tv Charlie Rose Bloomberg February 12, 2017 11:00am-12:01pm EST
♪ >> from our studios in new york city, this is "charlie rose." >> i am filling in for charlie rose. america first has been the guiding egos into the forays of president trump's early days as president. the phrase was first coined in the 1940s by an organization that championed appeasement in the wake of hitler's rise. trump's revival of the slogan raises questions about his nationalist ideology and what it might mean for the rest of the world if america turns it back.
joining me for a conversation about foreign policy in the trump era --a contributing writer on foreign affairs for "the wall street journal", a professor at nyu law school and an american expert on chinese law and government. i am pleased to have them all at this table. welcome. let me start with you and the concept of "america first." the slogan donald trump used repeatedly during the campaign and during his inauguration as well. i know from speaking to colleagues of mine in europe, it sends a slight shiver through europe. how are arab nations viewing that phrase? what do they make of it? >> it is important to separate regimes from the arab populations from arab governments. they believe it has been america
first for the past decade. >> what is interesting now is you are seeing this strategic realignment in the region particularly among israel, saudi arabia, jordan, kuwait, and sunni majority countries. there's one inconsistency to donald trump's foreign policy such as one can be discerned at the moment and that is he is very hawkish on iran. that is something they all want to capitalize on. we saw donald trump and benjamin netanyahu are talking about -- that i read is how can i help you mess with iran. that's one area with there is some positive to his foreign-policy. >> let me ask you this question. from the perspective you are engaging on shanghai or anywhere
else in china and they use this phrase "america first," what does china make of it? >> they asked who represents the trump administration. how seriously do you take his tweets versus his phone calls as his white house managers manage to muzzle and confine him. >> and are the chinese the only ones asking that question? >> of course not. it it is a common question. the chinese are a little bewildered. they are waiting and worrying about the economic impact. they see certain advantages. trump already made sure he would kill the tpp which was our attempt to integrate east asia and pacific countries into our orbit and we handed it over to the chinese. for how long, it is not clear. they are worried about other aspects of the economy. he could make a lot of trouble for them and they are worried
about the political and military aspects. china is waiting. they are trying to be patient and not respond to provocations that might occur and hopefully and gradually build a good relationship. they do not know with whom. with the secretary of state, with the secretary of defense, who speaks for trump? >> let me ask you this. it was the europeans who first when they heard that phrase "america first" feared that america would not get involved in the second world war. what do european countries make of this notion again of a president not just using the phrase but determinedly suggesting it is going to be american interest, american needs, america's economic needs that come before all else. >> there are two things to be considered. the number one feeling in europe
and in france in particular, there is a feeling of abandonment. europeans feel abandoned by america. america has been a very strong partner over the years and now that donald trump is saying he is not going to pay for european security and he is asking european states and other states to make a stronger effort financially to pay for nato, we feel -- europeans feel abandoned by america. the second feeling they have is in europe has something to do with european integration. it is the first time an american president is not in favor of the construction of europe. that triggered a lot of concern
especially after what happened in the u.k. this is the first time european people fear an american president will not be in favor of european union. of course, there are a lot of concerns. if you ask different people about donald trump, of course the answer is going to be different. if you ask marine le pen's supporters, then you have a different answer. marine le pen is very much aligned on donald trump's ideology. marine le pen is -- she has nothing to say against the regime of vladimir putin. she considered that crimea was not invaded -- it was the people of crimea who wanted to be russian because they fear
russian. that is what she said recently on an interview on cnn. marine le pen sees the notion of america first as basically the awakening of the people, the awakening of the nation against the elite, against international institutions. marine le pen represents 20% of the french voters. >> clearly the same is true with other populist movements. there are plenty of people in britain who supported brexit who also see this populist wave and they would like to take credit for it, not donald trump, divided opinions throughout europe. the european establishment seems to feel that in this new era of american foreign-policy it is the europeans who are perhaps on the losing end.
what does that mean, if this is a zero sum game, if europeans are losing, then russia is the winner? >> yes, i think the europeans are concerned that the russians have an attitude towards them of wanting to split up the eu and split up nato and split up the whole western block. it is clear that is what vladimir putin has been up to. what trump means when he says america first, there are a couple of questions. does he know what america first means? does he know who benefits america most when he is dealing with foreign-policy? today there was an exchange that became public of him asking what the start treaty was. he was having his question with vladimir putin. >> these are reports of an exchange. >> it has been leaked from the white house itself. that is rather interesting.
>> people are thinking, ok, america first, fine. perhaps that is something that should be a new kind of alignment for the benefits of america. but does trump know what that means? therefore it becomes an erratic thing that they cannot predict. nobody can put their money in a particular direction because they don't know what he means by america first and they don't think he knows what he means by america first. the russians seem to know exactly what they want. and then what happens when you get all these countries who say france first or russia first or america first -- if they are all saying their own country first, then who wins out of them. because it is not grounds for an orchestrated deal. >> there is a broader point which is pertinent and that is what is the role of america?
is it somehow america's duty in the post cold world to be the proponents of a foreign-policy that is not built on individual interest but on something more broad than that? >> i think the u.s. has thought of it. the idea that after the 20th century, liberal democracy would sweep the globe. like they were wrong. it seems liberal democracy is enrolled back everywhere you look. worries me the most is the 20th century ideological categories were defined. you knew what left-wing was and you knew what right-wing was. i look at donald trump as something far more liquid. i'm seeing this throughout the world. vladimir putin does not have an
ideology. the only bottom-line for him is the bottom line is money. that is why he can appeal to stalinist on monday and fascism on tuesday. people who support the annexation of crimea include far left outcroppings and far left parties. the same thing seems to be holding true with donald trump. when we talk about donald trump's view on philosophy, we're not talking about his worldview, we're talking about steve bannon's worldview. when you read up on this guy, it is fascinating. this is a guy who admires darth vader, stalin, and dick cheney. and also edmund burke, the godfather of classical european conservatism. he once described himself as a leninist. this is somebody who is pulling every which way from every extremist orientation and a tradition that has been in use for the last hundred years. i find this dangerous because it is so improvisational.
it is too unpredictable. this is something where donald trump will lead the way and set this benchmark for the rest of the world. even though marine le pen and the politics you are seeing in poland are a strange combination of old anti-communist solidarity style dissent mixed with a neo-socialist. this is something -- trade protectionism has never been part of the republican party platform. now it is part of this isolationist and populist wave. what is he going to do next, we don't know because there is no coherent tradition or philosophy. ♪ ♪
>> there seems to be a difference of opinion between people in the trump administration who have come to the conclusion that in the balance between russia and china, russia can help more and china is the looming threat. people in europe who seem to think that china is less of a threat and russia is more. is that too simplistic a characterization? all i can say about that is that in europe there is very strong concern with russia and
the idea of the sanctions that are supported by the americans up until now. now america is no longer supporting the european institutions. so what do we do? does that mean that russia is going to go its way on the resolution of different conflicts in syria or eastern europe? those kind of questions are extremely open. everybody is kind of wait and see in europe. they don't have a lot of contact in the state department because people need to be appointed.
right now people are waiting to see and very concerned about what they will see in the next month. >> this is a kind of reversal of what we saw in the late 1960's and early 1970's where there were many people in washington and beijing who wanted to get together against the soviet union. now there are many people in moscow and certainly many in trump's group who think they can get together against china. it is this triangular relationship. our policy toward china in the early 1970's has been based on more than anti-soviet and anti-russian policies. i don't think there is going to be that kind of glue for a u.s-russian team against china. >> you don't think trump can do what nixon did? >> i don't think so.
>> i want to focus on something olivia was saying there, europeans being confused. i asked jerome to put himself in the head of xi jinping. do the same with us with vladimir putin and answer europe's question. what does putin want? let's play this out. trump and the bromance continues. sanctions get lifted. there is a rehabilitation from the white house. where does it lead? he keeps crimea and missing in ukraine, what is the next step? >> that is the big problem. putin does not have a stable ideology or a stable set of goals. even if you give him everything he wants, it is not clear what everything he wants is and it is not clear he wants to stop there. say he wants to return russia to its soviet sphere and that
amount of land and influence, it is not clear he wants to stop there. it is not clear it is going to be ideological. it could entirely be the personal power and what happens when his personal power collapses? when he himself goes off the stage. we are in a conundrum which we have been since the soviet union collapsed, which is, we don't know how to resist it because if we resist it too much the system there, which is not a system, might fall apart. we have to be careful exactly how much pressure we apply to it. in being careful, we have let him grow and grow as a monster and we don't know where it is going to end or what he wants. that is an advantage that he has. >> we have these areas of the world, china, europe, russia as well where things are in flux.
where ideologies are being sorted out and spheres of influence are being reshaped and we can put the middle east into that basket with the iran-saudi power struggle going on. is this a difficult time for america to say we are actually going to withdraw from global affairs? or are those global affairs so in flux that if america gets, and focuses on its own house, its on economy and individual deals, so be it? >> i would argue that the american process of withdrawal from the world took place over the past eight years. pax americana is no more. >> it is different than a continuing engagement with multinational organizations that came after the second world war. >> lip service paid to the classic american foreign-policy orientation about human rights.
the u.s. did not pursue regime change in syria. the idea that bashar al-assad had to step aside. we had to pantomime. now we don't even have a pantomime. trump says we should be working with russia to do this kind of thing. who cares about human rights? who cares about democracy? we have to build virtual and physical walls. trump can rip the veil from american foreign-policy and say we are withdrawing. and what is wrong with that? let other people pick up the slack. >> maybe that would mean that the world that is in flux would have to sort itself out. >> it would be useful. if barack obama laid out, when america pulls back, you force regional powers into a state of equilibrium. i would argue, no, you create a
vacuum and that that team is exploited by america's enemies. the primary being russia and iran. future policy i am hearing out of the trump administration is we are trying to pull putin away from iran. nice work if you can get it. >> that is the problem with bilateral arrangements. you very quickly get into the complexities of other people's relationships with other people where the enemy of your friend is your enemy. >> look at all of america's allies who feel betrayed or abandoned or don't know what to make of american leadership in the last eight years or certainly now with this court jester, improvisational man in the white house. we should not be in the state we are in. russia, china, and iran have a strategic relationship. in the chinese case, it is more transactional than in terms of power.
the second largest army in nato is the northern country to syria. what are we doing to exacerbate the contradictions and tensions? we are enabling a proxy that the turkish government sees as a primary national security threat. mainly the syrian affiliate of the turkish workers party. this is strategic madness. it is all tactics. it makes no sense. i think he does look into the future. he exploits it. i think vladimir putin gets classified as a tactician. i think he does look into the future. he knows america's called abilities and short comings. he exploits the hell out of them. >> in this confusing world, what would you have america do? if you could sit down with donald trump tomorrow and he
would listen to you? i'd youuld give him and of an ilg so he would have a base of values from which to operate consistently. then people could be allies and predict what america is going to do next. that is clearly not going to happen. that is the nature of this populist demagogue in which they fire up instant issues and keep the issue while they continue to grab for more power. if you were to listen to me, i would say you are not going to be able to separate iran from russia. this is a total primera mix of a policy. he is likely allied with russia to crush isis that he will not crush isis to quickly because it is too useful. >> this is something else that deserves attention. he has one foreign-policy goal.
smash radical islamic terrorism. now he is manufacturing terrorist attacks. it's only a matter of time before one kicks off. one will actually happen and he will use it for his advantage to create fortress america. he does need terrorism as that bogeyman. >> certainly a campaign of fear helped him get elected. >> one thing is clear the united states under trump does not seem likely to withdraw from east asia. we face three major problems almost immediately. we are already deeply mired in the south china sea and we have heard contradictory statements from the trump people on his frightening statements in some cases. taiwan is reemerging with trump's health as a destabilizing factor in modern relations with asia and china in particular and the most important problem is what to do
about north korea's claim to be developing icbms that can reach los angeles and other american centers. there is a rising tide in washington and you read it every day of people saying what trump has said on occasion that we can't allow the north koreans to test an icbm theat could reach america. nobody knows what he means when he says it will not happen. on the other hand, i am trying to urge people to take up remarks trump has made on other occasions. he is willing to talk to kim jong un. he is willing to negotiate a great deal with the north koreans. nobody in washington believes it is possible except a few of us. i think and i have been involved with north korea since 1972 when i first went there, i think it is worth doing because of the alternative is terribly dangerous. if we try to knock out an icbm,
that could lead to retaliation against seoul and it could start a dangerous war. >> you talk to trump supporters and even people in the white house and it is a view that has sympathy in this country and they will say to you, listen, america's relationship with with china over the last decade or so has not done us any favors. the chinese have not done enough to enforce the sanctions against north korea. the chinese are still getting supplies. why not try and play tough and see where that gets us? if we haven't got a good deal up to this time, say what i heard on the campaign trail, they like the idea that donald trump is
tough on china. >> if we talk too tough it is going to unleash a provocation against us and a retaliation. >> and the fault line is north korea? >> north korea is the most immediate challenge. people don't realize we fought the korean war against china because china would not tolerate the collapse of north korea on its border. things have not changed. the chinese do not like the north koreans either as a people or as a government, and it is reciprocated. north koreans don't really like china at all and you can see there have been a lot of meetings between the leaders of south korea and china. you don't see many meetings between the leaders of china and north korea.
north korea is a very, very sticky, difficult government to deal with but we have got to be careful because they also can be very fanatical about retaliating against what they see as aggression against them. >> while i'm in the curious position of representing american voters and trump voters, the other things i have heard on the campaign trail and when i talked to supporters of donald trump, they feel they have been taken for a ride in europe. europe has this habit of dialing 911 washington and hoping we will jump in and fix everything. we are not interested anymore in saving european bacon. what is it europe's response to that? we don't pay our fair share of defense spending to nato and they have a point, don't they.
>> i went to a lot of trump rallies and heard the same thing. i see your point. the response of europe to that is people are a little bit little bit stunned by that point. i think the general idea is really that, as you know, president trump likes bilateral deals. he is a dealmaker. he is going to make a deal with one country to one country. he doesn't like international institutions. i was talking to a european diplomat recently who explained to me that, of course, i mean, there is a reason we created the european union. we created the european union because each country is small, like france versus america. france is small. if donald trump wants to make a
deal with france, france is going to be a loser because france has 60 million people and a much smaller economy. of course, it would be under the terms of the biggest country, which is america. there is a reason why france, germany, italy, and also britain created europe just to create a continent that is a world -- at the level of a world superpower. the idea of europe has been basically been stealing from america. i mean, no, it is not something -- people don't understand that at all. >> i think the brits also feel they are going to get -- theresa may thinks she is going to get a great trade deal with united states that would make it easier as she pulls out a brexit.
i hear from people, wishful thinking. the idea that britain could negotiate this deal with the negotiations and that would be to britain's advantage. we keep hearing that the white house feels that he has had a bad deal. a bad deal from china. a bad deal from the europeans. but the one place he has not had a bad deal apart from today and in these reports about the treaty is russia. explain this mystifying relationship he has with president putin? >> i wrote a column recently, i guess a couple months back, where i tracked the dirty tricks i saw in an election that i covered for "newsweek" in 2012 in georgia. oddly, they were exactly the same tricks that were used by trump in winning power.
in both those elections, a pro-putin, pro-kremlin, pro-russian candidate won and beat the favorite candidate. and the list of things that were so similar were just uncanny. it was an oligarch coming out of nowhere leading the opposition to victory with dodgy finances that did not get revealed except with some weird connections to russia. the first plank was their country first as it were, in that case, georgia first. if you put georgia first, presumably, you are doing it to be anti-russia since russia had been at that time invaded georgia four years before the election. and yet you had a candidate who openly said, i will not criticize putin. and another odd similarity for , example, costing down the fairness of the elections, something unheard of. i first saw it in 2012. i tell you, the similarities are
uncanny. the only thing i can think of is what is going to sound insanely paranoid, i suppose, but it seems to me they are playing the kremlin's game plan here. their blueprint. >> he has not taken a single with or that is as odd counters the kremlin position on anything. ok, if you look at the timeline, it is true, donald trump was
19th party congress for a second five-year term. there is a widespread belief this man is not want to stop at the end of the second term as he should according to custom. and that he is going to find a way to perpetuate his power. i compare him in some ways to stalin following lenin. mao in ais following general tactical way. he wants to perpetuate his power. asian dictators of found ways in the past. putin has found a way to perpetuate his power despite their organization politically, etc.. jinping.admired by xi how he will cope -- how we will cope with this, i don't know. there is a continuing possible warm relationship. we shouldn't assume that putin
is only looking west. he is also looking east and we have to be aware of that. >> do you think that jinping thinks of donald trump asked proximity to put in? >> he doesn't know. he would be worried about it. i think what we are doing on the east and west side is to make putin a bigger player than he ought to be. he is enjoying every moment of it. you did notou said think that trump would be able to create a division between russia and china. but you didn't give us the reasons why you don't think he would be like nixon this time. why won't it happened that way? >> i think it is well aware of his problem and although they've always had tensions between china and the soviet union and russia, there are a lot of
that she thinks the russians have something on donald trump, and she suggested it might be financial, personal, or political. what you think about that story? >> i read something about that recently. there was a similar thing of christopher steel. when was the last time you heard of a british national in britain having --it did not used to happen in the cold war. even then, in the cold war, nobody disappeared while living in england. that is the oddest thing. clearly, things are very vulnerable in england. they cannot protect their own spies within their own country. and my suspicion is, that there is something about the dossier
that is substantial enough that the british intelligence organization felt they had to protect their own man, not just against the russians, but against -- >> he is being protected as far as we know? >> the story is that it is the -- they are the ones that actually came and advised him and got him --and had him go underground. >> as a journalist, i can tell you it is not just the cia and not conspiracy theorists or democratic party operatives. every media organization is chasing leads. >> all the journalists in washington are talking about it, but so far no one has been able to substantiate it. it has been out there for months now. does that suggest that is we cannot make the extra steps? >> this is how intelligence works. you will not be able to nail something down completely.
that is the nature of that kind of information. my suspicion is that dossier -- it was percolating around it i suspect that the russians got a lot of benefit from it percolating around. it is a threat to trump that if he does not tow the line, some of the photos of this stuff make him out. >> you may have the dossier and you may have a copy of the dossier in your pocket at the moment? [laughter] you cannot talk about it and hang onto your life. >> exactly. i want to say about this so-called dossier because it is very interesting. i hate to kill a good story. we would like to make this dossier to make headlines about it, but i want to say that i find very interesting that a lot of populists all around the world love putin, or don't have
a problem with putin. if you ask as i mentioned , earlier, if you ask people -- le pen about putin, she has nothing against him. ifn someone tells her that you mentioned earlier putin is a andident and prime minister president for life basically which is not so democratic, what she said about it, what she had to say about it is that in france and in america before trump, it is already the same kind of traditions. >> is that true of other populist movements? i'm asking you because i don't know. ukip as well?f that they have an affinity for putin? >> i don't know about that. but i know about le pen. >> another component of the french situation is that a
russian bank has lent the national front several million euros -- it's sort of out in the open that is the dark horse of the kremlin. >> they are saying they think it will be a factor in the election. >> they are trying to have marine le pen elected president of france and trying to topple angela merkel with the use of this propaganda. with respect to this dossier though, the media screwed it up. the most salacious aspect of it is the least interesting. if the tape or to come out tomorrow that he was involved in some sort of alternative escapade in st. petersburg he would say of course, what would you expect and his poll numbers would go up. what would sink and if there is a financial tie between his organization and the russian government, which was done as a quid pro quo on the russian arrangement for feeding information. >> the dossier does have a lot of that. >> the dossier said that he
refused sweetheart construction deals? >> he did not say that, it said they did not come to fruition. he is a was been trying to invest in russia and is not been successful. >> and russia is investing in him. russian banks floating him at a time at no point it would -- when no one would give him money. that stuff became obliterated by the louridness of the dossier. but the question you're asking about other populists, is productive to look at erdogan, the turkish populist. many are like income of the man who took over in georgia was there for a year turned the country away from the west to some degree, very subtly and , then resigned. what are the common factors between these populists? it seems to me there is a wave of regimes of populists. look at the turkish one. erdogan has no common interest with putin strategically.
he's on the sunni side. he is in competition with them in syria and yet, all of a sudden, he has begun to be pals with putin. there can only be a personal explanation. >> having been on opposite sides on the issue of syria. diametrically opposed. >> the russian press enter in wered the turkish press nearly at war with each other when they found this. the reason is putin's intervention in and expansion of russian power -- the kurdish issue is the leverage he has with erdogan. russia does not want to see a kurdish state. he is more concerned with that than isis or al qaeda. the real issue is what does russia want out of the middle east? it wants what it's got, right? everyone wants to do business here -- diplomatic, military, arms deals, commercial. you don't go to washington anymore. you go to moscow.
the proof is in the fact of the so-called peace process has been relocated to geneva. -- from geneva. american invitation was an afterthought. >> that is the one sort of motif of russian involvement in the region is now we are back in charge. >> but also what putin is doing is he is guaranteeing power to populists. he's guaranteeing ergdogan that he will back his regime in turkey. that is a kind of organization that i think putin is setting up against nato, against the u.s. he is saying each of these populists, your home is with the kremlin. >> europeans may not like it, they are raising an eyebrow of what you are doing. it is a human rights issue. >> your nato ally is backing a proxy that you've been at war with for 40 years.
>> here's a question for you -- in the shakeup of the grand gop political shakeup have been playing for the last 40 years, -- 40 minutes the suspicion in , the circle surrounding donald trump is the great threats strategically might be china. that it will be china that steps into the void. there has pulls back , to be somebody who steps in. and what you hear in washington in foreign-policy circles that it is likely to be china. what we are hearing from michael -- malik and from michael is that it is russia stepping in? >> it depends on which area of the world you focus on. if you focus on east asia, the key question is whether the united states and china can reach some accommodation to the rising china. although the rising china is not as strong as the world perceives
it to be is quite nationalistic and the military is quite in for lou -- influential that there is a big danger in the south china sea that we may not find the basis for adjusting our interest. america is not going to withdraw from the south china sea. china is not going to give up the pilots and the military bases. -- ireland's they of -- ireland s.island >> mr. secretary tillerson suggested we would interfere with chinese occupation of these islet outposts they created. well, now he has begun to withdraw from that because that could lead to war. but we have not found an adequate basis, and from the perspective of china, what they are talking about all of this complexity in the middle east
and eastern europe, etc., is a secondary game. the real game will be played out in the pacific and we should not overlook the role of japan and the danger of rising armament on the korean-japanese, australian side. >> when prime minister abe meets president trump at mar-a-lago on friday and has a round of golf with him, what will his message be? >> his message is trying to follow up what secretary mattis sought to demonstrate. that we will continue the traditional american policy of supporting japan and south korea, including protection of the islands that are such a heated subject in the east china sea. we don't take a position on the merits of who owns those islands, but we do say we will defend japan if the dispute gets
out of hand. the real game is being played out in east asia. and these other events, i think both the chinese and american government feel they are under restraints and not capable of dealing successfully with what russia is doing and they are not really prepared to follow a european lead if there is such a european lead given the internal problems. >> i am not sure that a european lead exists. i would like to ask each of you for an optimistic scenario of how this pans out. malik has looked at me like he asked if it is going to be christmas tomorrow. let me start with olivier. what is the optimistic scenario with a trump administration's foreign policy? [laughter] >> ok moving swiftly along. from a different point of view and diplomatic circles, it
is not optimistic. one thing about japan, we all remember the 1987 add that he published in the new york times where he was saying that japan should pay for its security. that means that he has been saying this for 30 years, for many, many years. people think that he is going to be doing that in his own way. people are very concerned. so -- scenario- right now. >> i think an optimistic scenario would be to continue the major outlines of our policy toward east asia, but show much more flexibility in dealing with north korea. we cannot deal with every crisis at once.
this is the most immediate one. and i think we should take advantage of mr. trump's proclivity for doing radically different things and say, here is a radically different thing. negotiate with the north koreans that everyone else has been unimaginative and too afraid to. >> if there is a possibility of countering iranian influence, great. but do not be misled. by thinking you can establish something with vladimir putin to get it. in some cases, you don't need the russians. you don't need them for yemen, eastern syria where they don't have much of a presence. in iraq where they are pumping all of these anti-american conspiracy theories we really do , have to worry about the integrity of the iraqi state and what has become the
revolutionary guard corps creeping takeover of their security establishment. >> how damaging has the visa ban been in terms of reputation on foreign policy? >> in terms of iraq? you have iraqi translators who have risked their lives for 10 plus years for people who cannot get back into the country. you have syrian rebels fighting on behalf of the pentagon fighting isis who say it's hard enough to's defend america given the situation and secure -- in syria. now we are being told we can die for you but we cannot land at jfk. i have been a severe critic on from a moral and national security grounds. >> i gave you some time. >> i think the best possible outcome for trump's foreign policy might be a remote chance that he never meant any of this pro-russian stuff. and he comes up against the
brick wall of reality and finds out that he must go back and re-empower the e.u. and nato. and that is the easiest thing for him to do. and present some coherence and some resistance against the anti-western powers in the world. that is the best-case scenario, but i think it is a very remote one. >> thank you all so much for joining me. fascinating discussion. we will continue this discussion over the next four years, i'm sure. it has been a pleasure for me sitting in for charlie rose at this table. mr. rose, come back to your table soon. ♪
emily: she has been one of the most powerful women at google from literally the very beginning. in 1998, two unknown entrepreneurs set up their first office in her garage. she became employee number 16 and became the starter -- build the search for the advertising business. she urged her bosses to buy youtube for $1.65 billion. on the 10 year anniversary of that acquisition youtube was in the alphabet