tv Fareed Zakaria GPS CNN April 1, 2018 7:00am-8:00am PDT
i'd of said... i'd of said you're dreaming. dreaming! definitely dreaming. then again, dreaming is how i got this far. now more businesses in more places can afford to dream gig. comcast, building america's largest gig-speed network. this is gps, the global public square. welcome to you in the united states and from around the world. i'm fareed zakaria. on today's show, kicked out. >> this is the largest collective expulsion of russian intelligence officers in history. >> reporter: more than 20 nations have expelled russian diplomats, but is this the righright strategy with moscow? and kim comes out of north korea.
what to make of the leader's trip this week to china. and his recent charm offensive. i have a great panel to discuss it all. and -- >> we've got the greatest economy maybe ever. >> is he right, and could it all be jeopardized by a trade war? i'll ask steve ratner. also, the other technology revolution that the world needs to pay attention to. how getting hundreds of millions of people online in india is changing that nation and might change the world. first, here's my take. in order to explain some of president trump's bizarre foreign policy moves, we're often told that he is unconventional and that this do well be an asset. it's certainly true he doesn't follow standard operating procedure on almost anything from getting daily briefings to staffing the statement statement.
but his most striking departure from previous presidents has been his rhetoric. american presidents have tended to weigh their words carefully, believing that they must preserve the credibility of the world's leading power. and then there is donald trump for whom words are weightless. during the campaign, he excoriated saudi arabia as a country that wants women as slaves and to kill gays only to make his first presidential trip to the kingdom and warmly embrace its rulers. there are situations where such flexibility might work. on north korea trump threatened to rain fire and fury on the country, only now to welcome a meeting with its leader. trump supporters say this is just the kind of maneuvering that could well produce a deal that has eluded more conventional approaches to the problem. we should all hope that it will. so far though it's worth noting that the circus-like atmosphere of trump's alternating threats
and embraces has obscured a key point. it is trump who has made concessio concessions, not kim jong-un. america has long held the position that until north korea took steps towards a de-nuclearization, there would be no talks. until recently the trump administration itself insisted that it would not reward the nuclear buildup with negotiations. now, there's a good argument to be flexible on this procedural issue, but we should be aware that so far kim jong-un seems to be executing a smart strategy brilliantly. he embarked on a fast track buildup, creating a genuine nuclear arsenal with missiles that can deliver weapons around the world. he risked tensions with the world and even his relations with china. now with the arsenal built, he's mending relations with china, reaching out to south korea and offering to negotiate with washington. trump's skill here might well be his willingness to abandon totally a passive position and fully endorse a new one.
the united states after all will have to accept something less than its long declared goal, the complete de-nuclearization of north korea and maybe trump will be able to find some way to sell this. there is, however, a different kind of tough talk that is more worrying. the trump administration pushes hard on some issues, trade with south korea for example, then announces a deal claiming to have won significant concessions. in fact, most of these have been symbolic concessions made by allies to allow the administration to save face. south korea, for example, agreed to raise the number of cars each american auto manufacturer can sell in the country from 25,000 to 50,000. it's an easy concession to make. no american company sold even 11,000 cars there last year. see, america remains a super power. its allies search for ways to accommodate it. the trump administration can keep making outlandish demands and it will obtain some concessions because no one wants an open breach with the united
states. if trump says the europeans have to come up with some changes to the iran deal, maybe they will find some way to do so because they don't want to see the deal collapse and they don't want to see the west fall into disarray. this is not a sign of power but rather the abuse of power. when the bush administration forced a series of countries to support the iraq war, this did not signal american strength, it actually sapped that strength. the united states has built up its credibility and political capital over the last century. the trump administration is raiding that trust fund for short-term political advantages and in ways that will permanently deplete it. for more, go to cnn.com/fareed and read my "washington post" column this week. and let's get started. on monday, an old-fashioned
dark green train with yellow stripes pulled into a station in beijing. who was in train was for a time the week's biggest mystery. then it turned into the week's biggest surprise. it was, of course, kim jong-un, the north korean leader on an unannounced visit to beijing. his first known trip outside the hermit kingdom since he took power in 02011. the meetings with chinese president xi and kim's broader offensive. i have a great panel to discuss. the two of them both former directors of policy planning at the state department. also with us is walter russell knead, professor at bart college and a columnist for "the wall street journal." an ann marie, what do you make of kim jong-un's strategy, the trip to beijing? it all seems pretty well thought through.
>> well, he certainly managed to keep himself at the center of things, directing both olympic diplomacy and now again on stage. i actually think though this visit may have had more to do with xi jinping than kim jong-un in the sense that immediately after president trump announced that there was going to be a meeting, he received a call from xi jinping and the chinese are saying you're not going to make any deals without us at the table. it's reasonable to think they similarly wanted to make that very clear to the north koreans. >> do you think, richard, that the united states has a strategy here because for the longest time it said we're not going to talk until you do something concrete. now they say we'll talk. is there a plan? >> there doesn't seem to be. the one thing you constantly hear is we're demanding de-nuclearization but nobody has defined it. if you could define it, it might take 20 years to bring it about. it's also not clear that we're prepared to do an exchange for
whatever de-nuclearization we decide is adequate. even if somewhere down the road the north koreans agree to give up their nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles which i think is unlikely, what about the interim agreement? here's an administration going to war potentially against an interim agreement with iran and some time this may has to decide what it's going to do but the only realistic path for diplomatic success at this summit if it were to happen with north korea might be an interim agreement where north korea would agree to extend its freeze on testing in exchange for what? and that's the big question facing the administration. >> you regard it as kind of a trump whisperer. in the book you wrote it's often seen as inspiring trump, i assume subconsciously. i assume he's not read the 650-page book. >> i'm sure he has it memorized.
>> but you understand the instincts. is trump the kind of guy who can do what richard said and say, yeah, this is a pretty good deal, it's not the best but we can live to it, and then sell it to a base that's unilateralist and jackson-ian. >> it's interesting that andrew jackson who was probably a better read president maybe than president trump but shared some of these instincts and political base did, in fact, as president pursue a more moderate than expected foreign policy. one of the big issues was the french were reneging on an agreement to repay some debts to the u.s. jackson mobilized the fleet and started sending the relatively small american navy across the atlantic. the french agreed to pay, but it was kind of a compromised
settlement. jackson 'embraced it immediatel. so yes, one of the things about jackson-ian leadership is an agreement that they would never buy from obama, they might buy from trump. sort of a nixon to china kind of thing. whether trump will do this is a whole different question, but structural, yes, it could happen. >> richard, you made a point in a tweet which i thought was very interesting and important which is john bolton, the new national security adviser, has been threatening war against north korea. it's important to understand that what he's talking about is not a preemptive war but a preventative war, that is to say an unprovoked war against north korea which has not in some ways struck or is planning to strike the united states. do you think even looeceaving t out there, without him publicly walking that back, is dangerous? >> i don't know if it's
dangerous. part of the backdrop to negotiations and might conceivably push the chinese to use slightly more influence with the north koreans. what john bolton wrote is flatout wrong. he confused specifically at the risk of losing your viewership p preemptive and preventative strikes and an imminent threat and a gathering threat. under international law, so go after gathering threats, we didn't do it against the soviet union or china. we told the soviets not to do it in the 1960s. that would be a constant war. if this were to actually happen, this would cause an enormous war and again we would find ourselves isolated. i'm hoping it's nothing more than rhetorirhetoric. >> you mentioned something which i want to come back to, which is that this is a bilateral summit. so far the united states has always tried to do something
about north korea the way it has done something with iran which is to get everybody at the table because everyone has a stake, the russians, the chinese, the south koreans. is this creative diplomacy to try a bilateral or is it a mista mistake? should we have included everybody at the table? >> it's better when we're coordinated. we need the chinese. we need the japanese. in general, our approach has been we don't sell out our allies. now, that is not something that trump is worried about. he's perfectly willing to sell out our allies, at least rhetorically but i don't think we had a thought-out strategy again there. i think this appeals absolutely to trump's desire to be center stage, to be having a big win. my hard-nosed north korean diplomacy brought him to the table. he has a real advantage in playing up this until it actually happens and who knows what he might give away. but i don't think it's strategically for us in asia
it's a good idea for us to be there with the north koreans alone. it also gives kim jong-un unbelievable prestige which suits him perfectly but doesn't suit us. >> fascinating. when we come back, next on gps, another major foreign policy challenge. this week the west responds to russia. sanctions and forced diplomacy departures, is that the right way to fight moscow? we'll discuss when we come back. imbalance of good bacteria. n only phillips' colon health has this unique combination of probiotics. it helps replenish good bacteria. get four-in-one symptom defense.
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later in the week moscow similarly retaliated against some of the more than 20 other countries that had kicked the russians out. do these diplomatic expulsions make any difference? richard, you're old enough that you went through this during the cold war. there was a very good piece, i can't remember by whom, who said this is a very old-fashioned tit for tat and makes no sense because the russians expelled a few intelligence officers that the west has in russia. so why do it? >> the fact that we pushed back in concert with allies was in principle good but in practice it was the wrong move. it was totally predictable that once we kicked out their diplomats they were go to do
exactly the same thing. now what do we do? they provoked by the attempted murder of two individuals in the u.k. i would prefer to go after them econom economically, against certain financial institutions. that would have been an asymmetrical response. she couldn't have retaliated in kind. now the question is what do we do next? i was just in moscow. there's almost no u.s./russia relationship. there are no diplomats. there hasn't been a congressional delegation in five years. we need more substance to this relationship. there's less now than there was at the worst moment in the cold war. i don't think diplomatic ousters, balanced or imbalanced, serve either side's interest. >> ann marie, a lot of people think that the reason we don't rule out economically is there is still that question of whether the kremlin has some economic information, ties to donald trump. do you think that plays a part? >> i don't think that played a part in this immediate response in part because it's driven by the british and what the british
decided to do. i understand richard's point that this may seem to be cutting off your nose to spite your diplomatic face, but it is the way the game is played. it is the natural first start. when somebody is murdering people in your country, the first thing you do is to downgrade relations with them. what is impressive to me is that so many europeans followed suit because that was not a given, particularly at a time when britain is leaving the eu. it was not clear that germany and france and most other big european countries and small ones would say you've gone too far. so i see this as an important first step. i don't think it goes far enough, and i actually think what we do need to do is go after the assets of sort of ill-gotten gains by various russian oligarchs. but i think it is an important first step. >> do you think, wallet tter, t this is the new normal for relations with russia? as richard said, at this point we're in a kind of -- there were
many points during the cold war where we had better relations with russia and it seems the trump administration is sort of frozen. it can't make overtures because that raises suspicions. it doesn't want to be too hard lined. again here there seems to be no american policy towards russia, just a sear use ries of reflexe mirroring what the british did. >> from the russian point of view, our policy is anti-russian in the sense that fracking is destroying one element of putin's power by reducing the price of energy, that a big military buildup and modernization of the nuclear arsenal are all the kinds of things that weaken russia's position in ways it can't do very much about. >> add to that sanctions and you're weakening your financial power. >> exactly. so the idea that we could put a smiley face on all of that and have a great relationship i think is wrong. i think trump, like his
predecessors, obama and bush, both thought, okay, i can magically make the relationship good. i have the qualities, unlike my foolish predecessor, to have a terrific russia policy. the reset didn't work. cannon actually said years ago that the problems with u.s./russia relations are structural. what's interesting to me is at the end of the cold war everybody said, oh, that cannon, what a genius. but then everybody forgot that he said our problems are not so much communist as much as they are russian. >> you're right, sense clinton actually, the solution has always been psychological. >> yes. >> i will have a better relationship with the guy at the top. >> right. which is exactly what cannon was telling us would never work. it's fascinating. actually, as a writer, it's incredibly depressing that the
most influential essay in the history of american foreign policy essentially has no influence. >> final thought. >> this relationship has been deinstitutionalized. the fact that we still have nuclear weapons, being modernized, we see what the russians are doing in europe and syria. i don't think either side is served by the current state of affairs. but the auto pilot foreign policy, kick out diplomats, to me that's a mindless response. we need a much more targeted response and find a way to talk to them, manage both sides of this relationship at once. >> all right. we got to go. next on gams, trump and trade. is he starting a global economic war. including nasal congestion, which most pills don't. flonase helps block 6 key inflammatory substances. most pills only block one. flonase.
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global business columnist, and steve ratner who was president obama's car czar and is chairman and ceo of willett advisers. steve, at the risk of agreeing with donald trump, not on that boast -- >> it isn't true as you know. >> on the trade issue, isn't it right that china has basically been a cheater and taking advantage of the open trading system? >> it is absolutely right and something that people say and it's been surprising to me in the last week or so since all this started how many people say i don't like the way trump does it and this and that, but he's not wrong. i've spent a lot of time in china. it is the most protectionist, most flagrant abuser of rules but they're abusing nontariff barriers, not tariff barriers. i think our response wasn't exactly the right response but the problem is very real. >> there's always a view that in trade wars everyone loses.
so what do you do? >> i think the way that we should handle it, it should have been started a long time ago, would have been as a global effort. europe worries as much about china as we do. other developed countries worry about china. even underdeveloped countries worry about china. we should have gotten the world together and taken on the chinese over a much longer period of time. >> that's why it seemed the steel tariffs were bizarre. our biggest steel imports come from south korea, germany, canada and mexico, not from china. >> absolutely. that's what makes you so worried about this trade action. it feels like the president just got up and kind of thought of something in the morning, tweeted it out and didn't really look at the implications. i think that the lessons, interestingly, that we need to take from china are, think long te term. china's trade practices are unfair. what they do well is they plan for the long term. they have an industrial strategy and industrial policy. that's something a lot of european nations have as well. what the president should be
doing is thinking regionally, thinking about how to get closer to canada, mexico, how to create the synergies that are in that block and may be appropriate for this period in time. >> you wrote a column which struck me as very, very smart. you just came back from china and you said you were struck by the degree to which the chinese model is working and the american model is not. explain what you meant. >> this is the striking thing to me, that china has their vision 2025 program. they want to be national champions in all kinds of industries, including robotics and ai and things like that. obviously anyone who goes there and you see the subways, the infrastructure, the skyscrapers, and they are moving forward and driving forward using a form of state-directed capitalism different than our system. we're in gridlock. nothing is happening in washington. we don't have any initiatives. perhaps we should be doing it locally. but the contrast between china driving forward incredibly effectively and us essentially standing still is very striking. >> i think that this actually
picks up on another thread in the news right now which is the correction in the text docs and the way text nochnology is goin roll out. china has made it very clear that they want to be independent of u.s. technology in the next ten years. they have their own very large market that i think could be a stand-alone, high growth market. we need a strategy. >> and they've blocked american technology. >> that's true. we don't have a coherent strategy here at home about what about the digital economy, what does it look like, what are the regulations and policies that should be in place, how should we train up a 21st century workforce. we've seen window dressing and policies that go in one direction and lurch in another. we need a plan. >> do you think, to trump's claim, is the economy -- are we witnessing the deflation of a tech bubble, do you think? >> i actually think it's a big issue and i think we may have reached a peek for big tech stocks. i think that europe, for example, is rolling out very
interesting new privacy rules in may. they're looking at how should we regulate ai. artificial intelligence is going to account for a lot of growth not just in technology but most industries. it's data and quantum competing. data is the problem when we look at election manipulation and the backlash over facebook, we have to find a balance between privacy regulation and staying ahead in these industries and we need a national conversations about that. >> we can't pass a budget, we can't make investments in infrastructure, we can't make investments in science. is it possible that the chaotic, open, free reading system that america has is just going to underperform? >> this is the big question, fareed. i think we're actually literally witnessing a test between the liberal democracies that have defined the post world war ii order and a state directed capitalism in china which has its own system which is somewhat
different and we're going to see which one wins. there's a whole bunch of books coming out on this now. people are really worried about it. i'm worried about it. right now you have to -- i would gr argue on a purely economic basis that state-directed capitalism is doing a better job than our liberal democracy. >> we'll have to come back and talk about this more. thank you both. next, what is the next technological revolution? it might be happening in one of the world's poorest nations. marp nearly twice as much. that's a tough pill to swallow. exactly. so i started trading. but with everything out there, how do you know what to buy? well, i think my friend victor has just the thing for you. check this out, td ameritrade makes it easier to find the investments that might be right for you. like our etf comparison tool it lets you see how etfs measure up to one another. analyst ratings and past performance... nice. td ameritrade also offers access to coaches and a full education curriculum to help you improve your skills.
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ask most people to identify the global hub of emerging technology and they probably think of silicon valley. but in one sense, the biggest leap in technology today is actually happening worlds away from this is gleaming office parks. it is in the crowded cities and dusty villages of india. i'll give you the numbers. in 2000 india had 10 million internet users. last year it reached 460 million making it the second largest online user base in the world after china. why is it happening? a smartphone revolution. unlike americans who had a comparatively slow evolution from dialup to smartphones, indians are moving straight to these mini computers, says the former cnn new delhi bureau chief and author of the forthcoming book, india connected, how the smartphone is
transforming the world's largest democracy. how did a country with such entrenched poverty where more than 200 million people lack access to even electricity get hundreds of millions online in less than a decade? and how will it get the rest? the answer is all about prices. india's market is glutted with cheap phones and cheap data. smartphone prices have been dropping for years. now indians can buy a basic smartphone for as little as $20. in late 2016, something happened that made data cheaper, a phenomenon that will drive the next generation of online users. india's richest man who runs india's largest company launched gio, a network offering 4g voice and data services throughout the country. his company reliance invested in unprecedented $20 billion in the initiative. it announced it would build 45,000 mobile towers. and then, for six months it made
unlimited 4g data absolutely free. it was a conscious effort to pull hoards of indians online and its effect was revolutionary. by the end of 2017, 160 million people had subscribed. data usage in the country soared, and india surpassed the united states in app downloads, making it second only to china. in september, he noted that india had moved from a lowly 155th in mobile broadband penetration to being the world's largest mobile data-consuming nation, number one in just one year. all of these changes represent huge opportunities for gio and other companies but they also have the potential to transform the internet itself. think of the hundreds of millions of chinese internet users and how they changed the nature of e-commerce, created companies like alibaba and have
revolutionized finance. indians might well initiate the next series of transformations because of how this vast user base will use the internet. already the widespread availability of smartphones and government policies have led to a 20-fold increase in online payments in just three years, according to a mumbai market research firm. smartphones provide education apps for india's aspirational youth. they're also being used to help people compare prices of medicines in a country where most people pay burdensome health expenses out of pocket. health and education are fields that could easily get disrupted in the u.s. because of innovations out of india. all these innovations will have the effect of empowering some of the poorest people on the planet and lifting them out of poverty. next on gps, how is america
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my next guest, amy chua, is an author whose books tepd to change the conversation. she's most famous for her 2011 book "battle hymn of the tiger mother." it changed the way many thought about their children and how to raise them, created a lot of controversy. her new book may change the way americans think about themselves, what does it mean to be american and are people here american first, white, black, asian or hispanic first, working class or liberal elite first. amy chua is a yale law school professor and author of "political tribes, group instinct and the fate of nations." welcome to the show. >> thank you for having me. >> you talked about this phenomenon that i think is very
important to set out which is in many developing democracies you noticed there was this huge problem which was what you called a market-dominant minority. explain what you meant. >> so this phenomenon is actually pervasive in the developing world and it's completely unknown and uncomfortable for americans. in many developing countries there is a small ethnic minority viewed as an outsider that controls a vastly disproportionate amount of the nation's wealth. for example, the 3% chinese minority in indonesia who control about 70 to 80% of the private sector in the entire corporate economy. >> and in malaysia and thailand, similar chinese minorities. >> or even whites in south africa. very different type. that's a former kol onnizer because of apartheid. a 10% to 14% minority that controlled all of the land, everything. indians in east africa, lebanese in west africa, jews in many
parts of the world between the first and second world wars. >> that was the one western experience that we know of, the jews. and what you point out is that in all these cases you have a real problem with democracy which is that the majority resents them and of course the majority has the political power. >> yes. so i have described market-dominant minorities as the achilles heel of democracy. >> now what you have pointed out is that something you didn't even notice is you've realized that america actually does have a market-dominant minority that the majority or some large part of the country resent. who is our market-dominant minority? >> this is a new development and it really makes sense of everything that's going on in our country. people just -- i think they misdiagnose the problem, hurl big terms, racism, white supremacy. two things have happened. first of all, with these massive demographic change in this country, whites are on the verge
of losing their majority status. so by 2044 whites may no longer be a majority. this means everybody's threatened now. it's not just the minorities who feel threatened. whites feel threatened. 67% of working class whites feel that there's more discrimination against whites than minorities. at the same time, something else has happened which is that class or really education has split america's white majority. so what we might loosely call coastal elites or coastal whites, their resentment against the whites in trump's base basically in the middle of the country, there's so much mutual antagonism and resentment. i've studied ethnicity for 20 years. it's almost like an ethnic divide, fareed. all the markers are there. they're insular. the two groups actually do not intermarry. they speak differently. we know how to speak politically
correctly, so in my analysis -- >> in a way what you describe really is as you say two worlgds, one of which is coastal, big city, educated -- >> multi-culture. >> multi-culture, and these people are separating themselves from the rest of the country. the part that i find interesting, it seems to me, is this is this is seen as a meritocracy, a merit-based system of education. so i think the people at the top, the people who are the coastal, think this is not ethnicity. this is entirely justified elitism. >> and it used to be. >> they be better on the s.a.t.s. >> it used to be that way. what's happened in the last 50 years is there's much less social mobility. education has gone wrong. it used to be that engine where people could climb. now with the tutors, it's so expensive. people from the middle class, lower class family in ohio can't easily make it. and there's a racial and ethnic
element too that's very coded. you know, when people say, let's make america great again, what's happening is a lot of people in the middle of the country, they see coastal elites as minority loving. they love immigrants. they're always trying to help people in other developing countries. they don't care about real americans. in a way, it's a perfect parallel to, you know, we need serbia for the serbs, you know, bolivia for the indigenous, real loe li bo li bolivians. that's the kind of zero-sum tribal politicalism we're in. >> here's the hard part. what do you do about it? it seems like these two groups are actually separating even more. >> i think, you know, we were playing with fire. i think progressives didn't realize that this identity mongering and victim worshipping wouldn't just take over college campuses but would actually help
donald trump get elected. on the right, i think a lot of conservatives didn't quite realize that this conspiracy theo theory peddling and range monogmon mongering wouldn't just be on the radio but help trump get elected. we now view people who voted on the other side as our enemies. as immoral, inferior people and not as fellow americans. so i think that's -- but i think we're going to get there. i actually think in 2018 and 2020 that the messaging will be different on both sides. i think it's a bit of a wake-up call. >> amy, always a pleasure to have you. >> thank you so much for having me. so why accept it from your allergy pills? most pills don't finish the job because they don't relieve nasal congestion. flonase allergy relief is different. flonase relieves sneezing, itchy, watery eyes and a runny nose, plus nasal congestion, which pills don't.
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voters in hungary are headed to the polls next sunday, and the far-right party is widely expected to secure victory. this would be the third consecutive term and the fourth overall for the populist who's openly hostile toward immigrants and the european union. it brings me to my question. his party has made demonizing which american figure a central part of its strategy? is it hillary clinton, mark zuckerberg, barack obama, or george soros? stay tuned and we'll tell you the correct answer. my book of the week is "the ordinary virtues: moral order in a divided world" by a philosopher and former canadian politician asking a simple question. is globalization bringing us together or tearing us apart?
he answers it by taking us around the world from bosnia to brazil, south africa to myanmar. the result is a fascinating and deeply engaging book. and now for the last look. donald trump accepted kim jong-un's invitation to meet face to face, and the white house made it clear its goal is denuclearization of north korea. but before celebrating, we recollected ask, is denuclearization a realistic objective? well, it's occurred in the past but only four times. three of these cases, be belarus, ukraine, and kazakhstan gave them up following the soviet collapse. they neither developed the weapons know lated in their territory nor had the wherewithal to maintain them. according to the nuclear threat initiative, only one nation has ever dismantled a nuclear arsenal it had developed itself. south africa. like north korea today in the 1970s, south africa was an isolated pariah state afraid for
its security and decided to pursue nuclear weapons. it ultimately produced six uranium warheads. however, by 1989, the end of the angolan war and the general decline of world communism, led south africa's leader to declare that nuclear arms were no longer necessary. with apartheid ending, he wanted to send a signal that south africa was becoming a global, upright citizen. he ordered the nuclear arsenal destroyed and signed the nuclear nonproliferation treaty. in 1996, south africa signed the african nuclear weapon free zone treaty. as world leaders try to persuade pyongyang to denuclearize, they would do well to study pretoria's example. afterall, it's the only one we have. the answer to my "gps" challenge question this week, d, the prime minister has vilified hungarian-american investor george soros and his support for pro democracy and civil society groups in hungary. a particular target has been
soros' central european university, even though hosting this modern internationally ranked center for social sciences seems like a big win for hungary as a whole. though budapest denies it, the campaign against soros does smack of anti-semitism. thanks for being part of my program this week. i'll see you next week. happy easter sunday and a happy passover. i'm brian stelter, and this is "reliable sources" u our weekly look at the story behind the story, of how the media really works and how the news gets made. we have a jam-packed program for you this next hour, including roseanne. yes, the return of roseanne. is she making network sitcoms great again? and is the press making too much about president trump? the star of the president's show on comedy central is here with his take. plus, advertisers fleeing laura ingram's show for her mo