tv Fareed Zakaria GPS CNN January 23, 2011 1:00pm-2:00pm EST
>> we thank all of you who shared your stories with us over this past week. on our website, we have links to places recommended by our experts where you can turn for help on mental health issues, cnn.com/sotu. i'm candy crowley, for you're viewers here in the united states, fareed zakaria gps. this is gps, the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria. as president obama approaches his state of the union address, i would suggest he try an ambitious effort at bipartisanship. i know, bipartisanship sounds boring and evokes dull committees and conclusions. but i would argue that bipartisanship done right could be just what america needs right now. there are actually good ideas on both sides of the aisle.
president obama should propose a strategy for innovation and growth that could appeal to both republicans and democrats. we know that republicans and democrats disagree on basic economic strategy. democrats want more direct government stimulus and republicans want to cut spending. republicans just enacted a huge fiscal stimulus in the form of tax cuts but never mind, they say they want to cut spending. obama should do an end run around this pointless debate and propose an agenda for long-term growth. the white house is actually written a superb paper on innovation that could serve as a blueprint. if america is going to have deck decades of growth recreating new jobs for millions, it will ned to innovate, create new industries and grow cutting-edge technologies. republicans and democrats agree on that. the question is how to do it. republicans focus on the need to have a conducive tax structure that encourages the private
sector. and democrats focus on the need for greater federal investment and infrastructure. the truth is both sides are right. the united states is losing competitiveness to other countries. 20 years ago america's corporate tax rate was the lowest in the industrialized world. today it is the second highest and here's the key point. we didn't raise ours. other country trips lowered theirs. companies can now easily base themselves or grow their operations like singapore, and south korea, germany, china and india. rather than expand on plants in america. the u.s. has to benchmark against other countries and remain an attractive place to businesses. it is also true the great advances of technology have taken place because of federal funding. without the defense department there would be no semiconductor industry. nasa was the largest customer of the computer industry and why al
gore may not have invented the internet, darpa did. at a time the private sector thought it was a bad idea. gps and on and on. federal spending on research and development is still much too low. our goal should be to double it in the next three years. if obama sets out a program that will make america more competitive for private business and couples it with a push for massive new funding for research technology, digital infrastructure, the smart grid and other such projects, he will be marrying two good economic ideas. and in this case, good economics might be good politics. today a very important show. you've just heard what i think the president needs to say in the state of the union. we've got a great panel to tell you what they think. first, the main event, without the work of two men, many decades ago, this week's china
state visit would probably never have happened and you will hear from them both today. we'll talk first to former secretary of state henry kissinger, who began the thawing of relations between the two countries and brought nixon to china. then brzezinski who oversaw the relations between china and the united states. both men were actively involved in this week's visit. then what in the world is happening in the arab world? is george w. bush's dream of democracy coming true? finally, alast look at what 25 tons of bombs look like after they have been dropped. let's get started. 40 years ago henry kissinger made a secret trip to china. it was the beginning of the opening to china restoring relations between america and the middle kingdom. this week the nobel prize winning former secretary of
state attended the state dinner president obama threw for president hu jintao. kissinger and associate has worked in china consulting with american companies that want to do business there. welcome back to the show. dr. kissinger. >> it's a pleasure. >> on the crucial -- you watch the atmospherics of the past few days. how did they strike you? >> atmospherics were very positive and both sides made up their mind actually before the meeting that they would improve the atmospherics, which is important in this case because public opinion in both countries was beginning to run in the opposite direction and more material was being produced on the negative side of the relationship than solutions on the positive side.
so i think they have begun the work program and now it remains to be seen to what extent it can be executed. >> what do you think of the -- there's a dominant strain among china watchers of feeling that this is what's happened over the last two years, obama came into the white house wanting to be conciliatory or at least cooperative with china. he made a number of gestures. the chinese seem to misread it or read it as weakness and got tougher on issues and overreacted on some. they have been more assertive in asia. something is changing in china where there's a new assertiveness and combativeness. >> of course, this is a new generation in china. this is the generation that grew up in the culture revolution when they saw a lot of turmoil in their youth but enormous stability and progress.
they don't really remember the period of national weakness that china represented in the earlier period. and then they have a very chinese approach to politics. it's very hard for the chinese to absorb the fact that many of our actions, most of our actions are more random actions not generated by pressure groups. but they put them together as though they were part of an overall design. so then they begin to interpret that as an american attempt to hold them down. and this leads to an atmosphere of mutual suspicious, partly produced by the cast of mind of the two sides but it will develop a reality of its own. >> you talk about a new generation. and you're right, this is a generation that has seen 30 years of peace and stability.
>> and enormous progress. >> and seen the beijing olympics, which conditions them more. are they as a result more combative, more assertive? >> necessarily a question of combative. the chinese have a very unemotional view of international relations. they assess the balance of forces and they won't respect or they -- to which they feel they are entitled by their strength. >> do you think that on the two issues that president obama probably pressed concretely, which is the revaluation of china's currency, and on the issue of chinese firms and chinese government entities stealing intellectual property, from american firms, he is likely to get any progress, any
accommodations? >> if it can be done in a way that it does not look like a chinese defeat, in other words, if they don't have to step up to say we have removed the currency, i believe they now understand a way it might be done with some mutual concessions over a period, say, of a year. i think i would be disappointed if that did not happen. >> the movement of wan? >> now whether it's exactly to the percentage we want or not, but i think that tim geithner has laid out something that is compatible with the way the chinese define their self-respect on the issue so that it does not look as yielding to american pressure.
it may not be visible next week. >> you've dealt with so many chinese leaders. in fact people tell me that chinese leaders now want to meet you because the current chinese leaders never met -- and you spent hundreds of hours with them and they learn from you about their history. do you feel they are genuinely smarter than western leaders, that they are more strategic. we have this mythology about everybody from chinese mothers, to chinese statesmen. all supposed to be better than us. are they? >> they are different. they are -- first of all, this generation of chinese leaders is more like us than the first generation. the first generation of chinese leaders were in a way in style come parable to the historical chinese.
this generation is more practical. >> engineers and -- technocrats. >> in the chinese way of thinking. they have a more conceptual approach -- >> which means what? >> which means that they like to -- tend to connect the dots so we do four or five things as produced by american domestic pressures. they then try to define a design for let's say presidencies, dalai lama, all of it could happen, they didn't think somebody sitting down here and trying to hold it down and therefore we shouldn't be after. it is not just in terms of the
marriage of the dispute but in terms of asserting ourselves in such an extraordinary way that they'll never do it again. so this is one problem. secondly, i believe you have to understand that the chinese intellectual game. it's what we call why key. this is a game of strategic encirclement. chess is about victory or defeat. somebody wins. and all of the pieces are in front of you at all times. so you can calculate your risk and there are 180 pieces but they are not all on the board. and your opponent is always capable of introducing new pieces.
so when you look at the chinese analogies of the strategic situations, historically, they do it in this goal way. >> and the game never ends. >> the game almost never ends. >> henry kissinger, always a pleasure. we will be back. >> if you look at every aspect of china, every aspect of america, everything is literally in a contrast. we short history. they long history. we have this very amalgam for all of the world. >> woman: good night, gluttony-- a farewell long awaited. good night, stuffy. >> ( yawning ) >> good night, outdated. >> ( click ) >> good night, old luxury and all of your wares. good night, bygones
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zbigniew brzezinski says hu jintao's visit was the most important visit 30 years ago. should know as national security adviser to president carter. he brokered that meeting and it was under carter and bzezinski that they were normalized. between the two nations. like dr. kissinger, brzezinski has been actively involved in this week's advice and it we welcome back to the show. pleasure to have you. >> good to be with you, fareed. >> why do you think this was so important? is it you feel there is a danger that u.s./chinese relations are getting derailed by increasing -- you called it demonization. >> that's the risk. in the last year and a half or so on both sides there has been
receiving criticism of each other. that could get out of hand. behind that there is something more important. china is now a global player. the issue is do we go forward together dealing with global problems constructively? does our bilateral position change? does it drift? and one of reasons i wrote the article for "the new york times" early on was to encourage both sides to address the central question, is there a common agenda for us? i have to say looking at the commune communique they did pretty well. they started to talk seriously. >> the crucial issue from the american side seems to me was laid out by robert zellic when he was deputy secretary of state. in other words, will it be -- was it willing to produce global goods rather than just consume them? by that i mean do things on climate change and do things on trade and do things on regional security in northeast asia that
are beneficial generally rather than very narrowly to china? what's your sense? does china want to play that role of a kind of creator of public goods? >> i think increasingly they realize they have to even if they are to be what they want to be. which is a major power in keeping with their history, their sense of themselves. but, the definition of what they ought to be is not going to be made by us. precisely because they do want to be a major player. so what is important in our dialogue and this is why this meeting was useful, is to itemize the issues on which we have to work together and begin to spell out a kind of generalized sense of direction but not one in which direction means i direct and you follow. that's much more difficult. >> do you believe that -- there's a general view that the president obama came into office
being quite conciliatory towards the chinaies and they read it as a sign of weakness and was combative with him. they have been assertive in and there's something going on where there is new chinese assertiveness or misperceived the obama administration? >> actually, i don't buy either. it seems to me what has been happening to some extent is an inevitable stage in the process of adjustment. 30 years ago they were an important country given their location of history. but they were very, very backward, very under developed. today they are manufacturing is as big as america's and we know the thrust and they know it. we're going through a process of redefining the perimeters of the relationships and inner workings of the relationship. but increasingly i sense with the realization at least within both elites, that we have to swim together or we'll sink
separately but with the same effect for each other. i think this is what this meeting is all about. we're learning about them. they are learning about us. we know also, i think, i hope, that their evolving in some respects slowly and in some respects fast. we are justing to a world of complexity. >> china is getting more nationalistic and we look at it in and it sometimes bothers us but it really bothers the japanese and indians and vietnamese and south koreans. >> this is where i have a bit of sense that last year the chinese overplayed their hand and maybe even played their hand badly in the sense that they managed simultaneously to a really frighten in addition to irritate the japanese. certainly to irritate the vietnamese and make the indians feel they can use us against the
chinese and so forth. and i have a sense that this visit for them was also a redressing of the balance. not that they feel guilty, but that they felt perhaps things ought to be played a little differently. hopefully we're learning but we have of course, now a very gridlocked political system to some expect polarized and probably more polarized in foreign policy than we really know. right now the focus is on domestic politics here. >> but you have this extraordinary situation with the speaker of the house refused to attend the state dinner. >> exactly. which i think is a rather uncivil and unwise action because after all the republicans are part of the action. they are co-partners in the government and i would think they would have the desire to participate in the process, which is they influence more they participate in it. >> do you think that going forward on currency and
intellectual property, the chinese are going to be more accumulating, or is this the new normal with u.s./china relations, tension and some misunderstanding? >> i think accommodation is going to be a step by step process in which there is pushing and maneuvering and new perimeters are drawn. parameters are drawn. it's not going to be us telling them what to do and certainly not going them telling us what to do. it's going to be a complicated process. but my sense is that at least those who shape policies in both countries now realize there is a kind of de facto partnership and it is in our mutual interest for the disagreements to not get out of hand. that's not a bad conclusion to reach in a very complicated relationship between two as different country as one can imagine. if you look at every aspect of china and america, everything literally is in a contrast.
we short history, they long history. we have this versatile amalgam from all over the world. i could go on for hours. yet we're managing and they are managing. >> pleasure to have you on. >> always good to be with you, fareed. >> we will be back. >> the united states adopted a new policy, a forward strategy of freedom in the middle east. the strategy requires the same persistence and energy and idealism we have shown before. and it will yield the same results. what's around the corner is one of life's great questions. and while it can never be fully answered, it helps to have a financial partner like northern trust. by gaining a keen understanding of your financial needs,
and now for our what in the world segment. what got my attention were the dramatic events in tunisia. they do raise the question, could this revolution have an effect across the arab world. there have been popular revolutions in the world, the egyptian monarchy das many other popular movements in the 50s and
'60s but in the end they all led to dictatorships never lasting democracy. it's too soon to tell for tunisia but there is hope. we look at them not as an isolated episode but part of a decade of change. there is a pattern emerging. ten years the political landscape was bleak in the arab world. today there are sprouts of democracy breaking out all over. this progress is mostly happening as two steps back, one step forward, two steps ford, one step back, but it is happening. start with iraq. it's still struggling through deep sectarianism, it is a somewhat functional multiparty government and vibrant free press. iran had a contested election and a genuine mass protest movement. the 2009 green revolution would have been unimaginable a few years earlier. lebanon has faltered with the government collapsing but serious direct control of that country has ended and we now
have a messy but more open political system though one in which has been -- a kwaus quasi-terrorism as a player. egypt has initiated some serious economic reforms. the political system remains closed as ever but that crucial country faces a moment of truth has he faces his last years in office as president. who knows what might happen algeria and syria over the next ten years. this sort of striving for democracy is what arab intellectuals have yearned for. speaking of the freedom deficit in their lands, which is quite true, and of course, george w. bush set forth to fix the problem with what he called a forward strategy of freedom in the middle east. listen to mr. bush. >> this strategy requires the same persistence and energy and idealism we have shown before. and it will yield the same results. as in europe, as in asia, as in
every region of the world, the advance of freedom leads to peace. [ applause ] the advance of freedom is the calling of our time. it is the calling of our country. >> if bush's vision does come to fruition, will it be because of america's military pressure or despite it? that's an interesting debate. in iran, the democracy movement happened thanks to a stolen election and mass movement. in lebanon, a political assassination. in tunisia, a middle class that had enough of a dictator enriching himself while they suffered. and in egypt a middle class doesn't want to see the keys of the kingdom handed down to a dynasty or the army. democracy comes out of the develop many of societies from economic growth and middle class restlessness and above all, of course, the political failures
of dictators. it can be helped from abroad but ultimately it is an organic process when successful. give president bush his due. he believed arabs were not genetically incapable of democracy. he put america's moral mute behind the great cause of arab reform. we will be right back. >> what will republicans be wanting to hear? >> an apology. i'm sorry, i'm on a completely wrong track for the past two years. republicans are going to be looking for signs of weakness. and this is her sister tina, who i also helped do her first home loan. it was unbelievable how well it all fell together. kathy said, "well, let me give you rachel's number." easy. easy. easy. the whole loan process was simple and convenient! that's why i love quicken loans! [ male announcer ] and you'll be glad to know j.d. power and associates ranks quicken loans "highest in customer satisfaction." to learn more call 800-quicken or visit us online
david fromm was a speech writing, most famous for his 2002 state of the union address. now senior editor and staff writer at the new yorker. and jobs and economy will surely be a main focus of the speech. zanny is the d.c. based economics editor of the economist, say that five times fast. welcome to you all. >> david, since you had the most recent experience, what is the state of the union in terms of the president -- how is it different from a speech of the u.n. or inaugural? what is the president trying to accomplish. >> it's the moon launch of the executive branch. it is made up of so many pieces. it's not written from beginning to end, written in components that are slapped together. getting the components into a speech, i remember you mentioned 2002, i did a lot of work on agriculture section of the 2002 address but it never appeared at all.
that section was just omitted because you have a time limit. i assume that modular method is used in others. it is a place the president puts down an agenda but also makes a connection to the american people. most people see the president in a seven or eight-second clip once a day at most. to see him at an extended period of time, they always come away liking their president better because you don't get to be president unless you've got skills that enable you to communicate with people through that box. >> but to that point, given what you're describing, why does it feel -- i understand bureaucratically why it ends up being a laundry list of the wish list and stuff like that, but doesn't the president realize it gets kind of boring and it's not going be interesting as and inspiring to them. >> this is a place where president clinton was a real presidential innovator. what happened with clinton, he would deliver these terrible, boring, ghastly states of the union. important mrs. mildred james in
milwaukee, we are planting a new tree in front of your house. then the numbers would go crazy, the worst speech was the better people liked him. >> why? >> because what people are listening for, what is that thing i want to hear that you're going to do for me. they also -- somehow that connection to the president is evolved and talking about things they care about. >> and he's smart and grasps the material. >> clinton really changed it. post clinton presidents don't aspire so much to write a beautiful finished speech. the 2002 speech was the most coherent statement a president has made, didn't have anything like the impact on president bush's numbers of the 1997, 1998 speeches had ton bill clinton's numbers. >> he's right. the clinton speech was an outlier and all the professionals and journalist and ex-speechwriters thinking this is going on and on and thinking this was a disaster.
then as david said, the numbers shot off the charts. the state of the union is a hellacious process because all of the pressures come to bear on one point. mainly the speech writing office. this will be a non-clinton one, i suspect. one of the advantages for obama in having lost the house and therefore having lost the chance for any big accomplishments, it opens up more space for a more thematic speech. i suspect we'll get a more coherent literary kind of speech. >> you've been in america for a long time but you're british. is this sort of like the queen's speech to parliament? how does this strike you? >> as a process i would never ever want to be involved with. listening to this. i think it's interesting that you mentioned the clinton -- a
arrived in 1996 and n the clinton era. i remember those laundry list state of the unions went on and on. i suspect this this year we're going to need a bit of boat. both. we'll need the big narrative. there is a sense that people don't know what obama's strategy is for the economy and i think the economy will be absolutely central. how will he get america back to work? we've gotten past the crisis, out of the emergency room but what's really his view for where this country is going? he's talked about a sputnik moment. maybe it will be something along those lines. he really needs to wrap it into the quotable phrase that he has a big vision for the country. at the same time i suspect the lessons of clinton come through too. people want tangible things. they don't want big rhetoric. they want to know what you are going to get to get jobs. what is he going to do to deal with the deficit and all of these concrete things we're worried about? it's going to be a careful balance of both the big picture
and the kitchen sink. it's going to be a tough one to do. >> what will republicans be wanting to hear? >> an apology. i'm sorry, i'm on the completely wrong track for the past two years. republicans are going to be looking for signs of weakness. there's no way around that. and does he seem uncertain and not seem to have a clear agenda. does he in any way look to beholden to dem yatdic groups when republican ingroups are stronger. one very serious one, the serious suggestion, the mood of the country is terrible. you have almost half of americans thinking that china has overtaken the united states as the world's dominant economic power. something that is not true, may happen in the distant future, not true now. words to remind people of the strength and latent power of the united states, all of the sources there. we are talking about a country
that makes 20 times more patents a year than china. something about that, that was not a phrase, it's really true. sometimes fear is paralyzing. this is a moment when we're so uncertain about the outcome of the 2012 election. to press some institutional changes and make the government work better. how can it be that a senator has the secret power to put a hold on a governor of the federal reserve and without anyone knowing formally who is doing it prevent a vote on that federal reserve governor for months and months and months? and the next republican president will dislike that as much as this president dislikes. >> we'll come back to talk about these issues right after this. >> we have a huge burden of adjustment coming. it arrived at the state and local level and will arrive soon at the national level. there are going to be losers. we're all going to be losers. some will lose more and some will lose less. who should the bigger losers be?
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a look at the top story right now. a woman suspected of stealing baby 23 years ago has been spotted in connecticut. police say that anne petway was seen at pawn shop in bridgeport yesterday. she's wanted in connection with the kidnapping of carlina white in 1997. her baby picture was found on a missing children's website. not yet talking or breathing on her own but congresswoman gabriel giffords is impressing doctors watching over her in houston. >> she surprised us. she did not need as much spacetance as we anticipated. there are people still holding on to her as was described previously. she's activating her muscles even more than what i anticip e
anticipated. >> giffords' rehabilitation is expected take four to six months. amanda knox the american student convicted of killing her roommate at their home in italy, is said to be cautiously optimistic about her pile. that after a judge agreed to have two pieces of forensic evidence retested including a knife. knox is serving a 26-year sentence for murdering 21-year-old meredith kercher in 2009. more on baby doc duvalier. one of his attorneys says he returned to haiti in hopes of recovering $5.7 million frozen in suisse bank accounts. the attorney says he wants to use the money to help haiti rebuild from last year's massive earthquake. duvalier is accused of looting the haitian national treasury during his 15-year rule. more top stories at the top of the hour. right now time for more of
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than he was a couple of months ago. the left has absorbed the body blow of the loss of the house. and i do think that while it is -- a little tasteless to think about his speech at tucson in a political context, i think that that impressed everyone. and showed that that side of his character, side of the kind of -- side of his character, a combination of huge civility, refusal to get angry, and some firmness behind it. >> again, that translated into a policy program that will appeal to both sides. i think that there is a deal here which is do stuff on the competitiveness issues and tax reform, regulatory reform. but also make -- tell the
republicans you have to agree to investments and research development and infrastructure. say this is the growth agenda and only way we can grow -- over the next decade. >> well, i agree with that. i think that the difficulty with that, there are two versions of that. the minimalist version do a little bit tiny, kitchen-sink things to improve competitiveness. or the max agenda, which do a you will lot of the progress stuff and deal with the medium-term tax problems on entitlements. it's clear that would be a better outcome. it's striking that the u.s. is the one big western economy where we have no idea where the medium-term fiscal problem is going to be solved. in an ideal world, we would start tackling this now. i think it will be tough for the president. because for one thing this is
president who has hewn very careful to his edge that there will be no tax increases for middle-income households. i don't know how you solve america's medium-term fiscal problem without having tax reform that deals with the mortgage interest deduction. all of these sacred cows, which would involve higher taxes. >> the closing of the loophole is in effect raising taxes. >> when you call them loopholes in deductions, everybody hates them. when you say charitable contributions, mortgage interest, you'll have every lobby in town going after them. >> and the republicans have been greatly in favor of deficit reduction, but no actual deficit reduction. >> as republicans become the party of the elderly, you reflect the interest of your constituents. the elderly are the greatest beneficiaries of the american social welfare state. >> are you saying the republicans -- are the demographics clear? >> if you look back in the middle 1980s, the election of
1988, a good baseline, i'm not going to remember all of these numbers, but the democrats dominated among the over 65s, the past congressional election is a smaller electorate. the republicans dominated in the over 65s. in the 1980s. the republicans were dominate in people under 30. >> that's fascinating. the republicans have their base in two completely different place. their ideology is in young people and old. >> the two worst things about the president's health care package is number one that it increases the deficit and number two that it restricts medicare and you'll hear people on the floor of the house said say that. but they're not completely irrational. because it's also true and here is where i hope the technocratic path, it's possible it get 17
wise people in a room and have them work out a technical deal that would put us over a certain period of years on a sustainable path of fiscal growth. we have a huge burden of adjustment. it's arrived at the state and local level and there are going to be losers. we're all going to be losers. some will lose more, some will lose less. who should the bigger losers and who will be the smaller losers. and that will be resolved in a furious episode of very intense politics. >> i completely agree with you. that the tech nocratic solution. but the real irony suggests that the real policy is that nothing is going to happen for a long time. it would be much better if we sat these 17 people around a table and started doing things now. >> that's how the chinese solved the problem, it seems to have worked for them. >> or the british system where you have a parliamentary system and you put out a budget.
>> fareed said something in a column a while ago, that said the american political system is surprisingly good at dealing with crises and surprisingly bad at dealing with chronic problems. what that suggests, and i think you're right about it. is that we're going to do not very much until some kind of crisis erupts. and then you get these tart moments where over a weekend, people park their ideology at the door. they say, inside the room, exactly the opposite of what they've been saying outside the room for the past 15 years and some kind of nasty and disagreeable, but ultimately reasonable effective deal gets done. and that, and the question is how much pain do we need to take. and what you're praying for and i completely concur is can we anticipate this problem? can we solve it before the pain arrives? because that's possible. but if you're right -- >> and on the note of that perceptive observation about my column we're going to have to stop. david frum, rick hertzberg,
zany, thank you very much, we'll be right back. >> woman: good night, gluttony-- a farewell long awaited. good night, stuffy. >> ( yawning ) >> good night, outdated. >> ( click ) >> good night, old luxury and all of your wares. good night, bygones everywhere. >> ( engine revs ) >> good morning, illumination. good morning, innovation. good morning, unequaled inspiration. >> ( heartbeats ) guarantee me the best deal on my refinance loan, or pay me $1,000? that would be nice, not getting swindled. um...where are we?
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our question this week from the gps challenge is -- complying with the request from the chinese delegation, what entree did the white house serve at this week's state dinner. was it a, b, c, or d. stay tuned and we'll tell you the correct answer. make sure you go to cnn.com/gps for more questions. don't forget to check out our podcast, and the price is great, nothing. if the chinese state visit had you worrying about america's
decline and america's ascendency. you'll want to read this week's book of the week, it's called "the future of power" by one of the nation's best thinkers on international affairs. harvard university's joseph nye. he said we have throw out the old definitions of power, has more nukes, how with output more widgets each month. he defines it as the ability to obtain the outcome you want. he says by that definition, america is not in decline and will probably remain the most powerful country in the world for decades to come. a refreshing and smart read about an absolutely crucial subject. now for the last look, if you've ever wondered -- and i hope you haven't -- what a town looks like after it's been hit by 50,000 pounds of bombs, you don't have to wonder any more. pictures were posted on tom ricks' wonderful best defense blog of the afghan village of tarok kolachi. is