tv Book Discussion on White Rage CSPAN August 13, 2016 5:45pm-7:01pm EDT
over the course of many years, all these 30 years, sit down, i hope you're all sitting she sold $53 million. [laughter] >> right out of the pockets of her friends and neighbors. at the same time the city of dixon couldn't afford the most basic repairs and updates. i know the police cars had all the used radios, streets that badly needed repair, water treatment facility that didn't get built. when swanson found the dummy account she was floored. she immediately brought it to the attention of the mayor, six months later they were ready and rita called to the mayor's office where the fbi was waiting for her. rita confessed, there was
nothing much she could do and cooperated with the fbi. this is not in the book but my favorite part is the mayor when asked who his, you know, his thoughts or comments, turned out she didn't give a shit about -- >> i think we will go ahead and get started. hello and welcome for our event in carlson. i'm sean and i would love to think our close sponsor for the evening. they are a wonderful partner to
have to an event. it's with your help that we will continue working authors. when you support us you are reinvesting in your community because tax dollars are going to schools, parks street and we give back to the community by partnering with charities and also we are doing our summer fundraising for river city program. river city program encouraging literacy. the students get to keep five books each year. i would like ask you to make a donation. this program is near and dear to my heart and it's wonderful and i will tell you all about it if you would like to hear.
i would like to thank you for your continued support for us left bank backseat. for i was about our upcoming events, information on our reading groups, much more, please visit our website, grab one of our news letter at the back and definitely get signed up for e-mail mailing list. and now, i'm very proud to introduce carl anderson for left bankbooks. as ferguson erupted, anderson wrote a remarkable op-ed in the washington post showing that this was white rage at work. carefully linking historical flash points when social progress for african americans was countered by deliberately and crafted opposition, wide rage pulled back the vial that covered actions made in the name of protecting democracy.
few historians write with the grace clarity and intellectual, professor anderson is high up on that list and the editor of white rage also says that this is one of the most important books that he has worked on. carl anderson is profess of african-american studies. she's author and numerous articles. anderson's opinion from the washington post will appear in the fire this time, a new generation speaks about race et ided by jasmín ward which comes out in august and i highly recommend that book as well. that article shaped and helped define movement.
wide range is inspiring, maddening and necessary. it is time to diffuse the power of white rage. it's finally to truly move into the future. tonight, carl, carl will be discussing white rage, unspoken truth about racial divide, answering your questions and signing books available for purchase for left banks books, will you please join me in welcoming carl anderson. [applause] >> thank you. >> thank you. >> and thank you for coming out on what day is this? [laughter] >> i really truly appreciate it and i thank left banks books.
to move into several excerpts from the book and then open it up to q&a. when i first began a to wrest well the concept of white rage wasn't ferguson. it was in february 1999 when a black man in new york city stepped out on his doorstep after a long hard day's work to go get something to eat and he was greeted with 41 bullets. 19 of which hit him. his name was amadud. he was unarmed.
that was bad enough but as we know from these killings, it is the response that begins to tell you what is happening in society and so i'm sitting there and i'm listening to mayor rudy ghailani in an interview with ted coppell on night line and ted coppell is taking about the killings and he's talking about 41 bullets, he's talking about police brutality and rudy giuliani says, i have the most restrained and best behaved police force you can imagine. okay, yeah, i had one of the scooby doo moments and then he began to talk about how his
policies were working that what he has put in place in new york city has brought down crime. new york city is a safer place because of his policies and he has, you know, flow charts, graphs and bars and everything and what you don't hear is that an unarmed black man stepped out on his porch and was gunned down. i'm sitting there going, something is fundamentally wrong,structurally wrong. i didn't know what to call it. i didn't know what to label it but i knew something was going on. and i, you know, continue and tban working and thinking and working and thinking and then august 2014, the television is on and i'm watching and i see ferguson in flames.
and then i hear the pundits talking and what they were talking about was black rage. why are black people burning up where they live, what is wrong with black people, how can they burn where they live? you know, there's something wrong with black people. it didn't matter what ideological stripe, it was all centered, the baseline, the starting point was black rage. and i found myself in this moment shaking my head. you know, the moment that you're shaking your head and you don't realize, that's not right, that's not right and that's when it hit me, i said, no, what we are seeing white rage. what we are seeing that we have focus focused on the flames, we
have missed what has scoped the fire, we have missed the disfranchisement of the black community, through all kinds of shenanigans had created in the 2013 municipal election in a population that's 67% of ferguson's population you had a 6% black voter turnout. you have to work really hard to make that happen. we missed in ferguson schools that had been on probation for 15 years. 15 years where a state has an accounting system of 140 points and ferguson public schools were getting 10 points a year and we have allowed that to happen for 15 years. we have allowed an entire
generation of students to go through from kindergarten to graduation in a school system that we know doesn't work. we have a police force that didn't see that its role was to protect and serve but saw african-americans as a revenue-generating source that could provide 25% of the city's budget. kindling. and what all of this kindling does -- and as i started wrestling with white rage, e began to understand that what we are really looking at are the policies. as a nation, we are so drawn to the spectacular. we are so drawn to what we can see that we miss those tectoniy
plates that are actually moving. white rage moves. through the courts, legislatures, federal government bureaucracies, through the white house, through congress and reck havoc. and so i sat out to make white rage visible. the first thing you do is you have to be able to see this thing. the trigger for white rage is black advancement. it is not the mere presence of black people that is the
catalyst of white rage but blackens with ambition, blackens with drive, with purpose, with aspirations, with demands for full and equal citizenship. blackens that refuses to give up and through array and legal maneuvering, white rage consistently punishes black resilience and black resolve. how else can we reasonably explain why government after government fought so hard to keep black children from getting an education. we saw it after the civil war, we saw it all the way through
the brown decision, we see it now. why is it so difficult to educate black children? why do we have this even when at least since 1957, where in the u.s. they say we have a national security crisis. we must educate as many as our citizens as we can to be able to effectively wage the cold war but brown was not going to get implemented. so even in the face of a national security crisis, even in the face when we say this is what our nation needs, white rage says i don't think so. but why -- with this nation designed a war on drugs that
incarcerates most, those who sell and do drugs the least. why? and why particularly after the triumphs and the successes of the civil right's movement with the civil rights act of 1964 and the voting act of 1965 why would we incarcerate communities? why would we overwhelm state budgets? why would we destabilize families? why would we do this to those who aren't the primary users and sellers of narcotics? why? why would state after state develop rules after rules to keep american citizens from
being able to vote and to have a say in their own democracy? why when we say we value democracy, this is why we fight, then why would we have such mass voter suppression. and understand that none of this was done with the mere plan cross. there weren't any cross burnings that just made all of this happen. all of this was done coolly, methodically, systemically. and so in my new book white rage i trace the historical pattern with sign posts, reconstruction, the great migration, the brown
decision, the civil rights movement and the election of barack obama. and i also trace it through three key sectors, education, the criminal justice system and the right to vote and so now i want to read some excerpts. so as you know in 1956 the u.s. supreme court ruled that separate but equal was unconstitutional, over turned decision and said that we must integrate. jim crowe was no longer that law of the land. the south rose up and said, with massive resistance used the series of rules that, democratic dragged this process out for a long, long time. well, in 1973 the battle -- the
court battles are still going on. in 1973, there was an area in san antonio called the edgewood district and in the wedgewood neighborhood it was 96% mexican-american and african-american. it was the poorest neighborhood in san antonio with the lowest median income and the lowest property values. they taxed themselves at the highest rate in order to try to fund their children's education. by taxing themselves at the highest rate, they garnered $21 per capita. meanwhile alamo heights which was a predominantly white neighborhood in san antonio taxed themselves at a much lower rate. they garnered over $300 per
student. lower rate, 1500 percent more in punning. what we know that property values have a lot to do with public policy. where governments choose to put the landfill, where they choose to put the highway, where they choose to zone certain types of businesses and not others, has a lot to do with property values, so the parents in the edgewood district took texas to court and said, this violates our children's 14th amendment right to have equal protection under the law. it violates brown. the u.s. supreme court ruled in
a 5-4 decision, four of the justices were appointed by richard nixon and one was appointed by eisenhower, dwight eisenhower. the quote, there's no fundamental right to education in the constitution. they said that the state's funding scheme did not systemically discriminate against all poor people in texas and that because districts across the united states used property taxes, that this method was not so irrational to be discriminatory. thurgood marshall, the implications of rodríguez,
justice marshall, more than 40% of black children 14 and under lived with families bell toe poverty line as compared to about 10% as white children. under those circumstances, marshall feared african-american children wouldn't stand a chance. the decision he wrote in his decent could only be seen as a retreat from a commitment to equality of educational opportunity as well as unsupportable capitulation to a system that deprives children of the chance to reach their full potential as citizens. he was simply dumb found that had the majority would acknowledge the existences of widely desperate funding for schools across texas but then instead of focusing on the disparity, focusing on the cost
to close the gap. the issue marshall, explained is not whether texas is doing its best of a discriminatory scheme but rather whether the scheme itself is in fact unconstitutionally. moreover he found at the height of absurdity that texas could actually argue that there was no correlation between funding and school quality. you can't make this up. [laughter] >> and then from that faulty premise deduce that there was no discriminatory consequences for the children of the disadvantaged districts. he was equally unimpressed with texas' tendency to parade before the justice the stories of children who had excelled
despite living in underresourced districts as some sort of proof that funding wasn't relevant, that a child could excel even when forced to attend an underfunded school with poor physical facilities, less experienced teachers, larger classes and a number of other deficits compare today a school with staurrly more funds, is to the credit offed child and not the state but rodríguez placeed placed on the backs of the most vulnerable while walling off access to the necessary resources for quality education. and played beautifully into the color-blind post civil rights language, economics for race yet achieving similar results. rodríguez would not have
desperate impact on african-american children but also a disastrous won. and then i move to the war on drugs because it has so warped american society in ways that are so profound. and so i walk us through how the war on drugs emerged. i then walk us through the supreme court decision that michelle alexander in the new jim crowe so beautifully layed out and then i began to lay out some of those consequences and as i go to the court cases, i then say, taken together those allowed, indeed encourage the
criminal justice system to run racially amok and that's exactly what happened in tulia, texas, in the dead of night, local police busted a major cocaine trafficking ring, at least it's how it was built by the local media which after being tipped off, lined up to get the boast most humiliating of 46 of the 5,000 residents handcuffed in personal personal ? pijamas, tulia street cleared of garbage. the editorial praised law enforcement.
tax to the federally funded regional narcotics task force based in amarrillo, instead he single-handily identified each member of this massive cocaine operation. and made more than 100 under cover purchases. hells held as a hero and his testimony immediately led to 36, 38 of the 46 being convicted with the other cases just waiting into the clogged court system. joe moore, a big pardon farmer was sentenced to 99 years.
white received 25 years while her husband landed 434 years for possessing an ounce of cocaine. well, the case began to unravel, however, when tonya went to trial. tonya had proof that she was at a bank in oklahoma city 300-miles away at the very moment he claimed to have bought cocaine from her, and then another defendant billy don had time sheets and his boss' eyewitness testimony that waffer was at work and not out selling drugs to coleman and when he swore that he had purchased cocaine, a tall bushy haired man
, it finally became very clear that something was awry. coleman, in fact, had no proof whatsoever that any of the alleged drug deals had taken place. there was no audiotapes. no photographs, no witnesses, no other police officers present, no fingerprints but his on the bags of drugs, no records, over the span of an 18-month investigation, he never wore a wire. now, he claimed to have written each drug transaction on his leg but washed away the evidence when he showered. so i'm either thinking he showered once in 18 months or --
[laughter] >> additional investigation led to no corroborating proof. no drugs were found. nor were weapons, money, paraphernalia or any indication that the housewife, pig farmer or anyone else arrested were actually drug kingpins, what was discovered, however, was judicial misconduct running rampant on the war on drugs in tulia, texas with a clear racial bias. coleman had accused 10% of tulia's black population of dealing in cocaine. based on his word alone, 50% of all of the black men in the town were indicted, convicted and sentenced to prison.
randy of the william fund for racial justice called tulia a mass lynching. taken down 50% of the male black adult population like that, it's outrageous. it's like being accused of raping someone in indiana in the 1930's, you didn't do it, but it doesn't matter. a bunch of klansman on the jury were going to cling new anyway. it was a powerful civil right movement had bridged those two eras and then the last excerpt i want to read, the last chapter deals with the election of president obama and how white
rage up in deeply profound ways, almost ways that we haven't seen in years and so as i walked through voter suppression and then i move into the threats on his life and the disrespect that the office of the president received, i then began to deal with the violence. black respectability or appropriate behavior doesn't seem to matter. if anything black achievement, black aspiration or black success are construed as direct threats, obama's presidency made that clear. aspirations and their achievement provide no protection, not even to the god fearing. on june 17, 2015, south south
carolinan dylan white unemployed dropout was on a mission to take his country back right after zimmer man had walked as a freeman after killing trayvon martin, trolling through the internet he stumbled account through the council of conservative citizens. white citizens council that had ter -- terrorized black people but despite the group's racist belief system in the mid to late 1990's the group boosted to have 34 members in the
mississippi legislature and had power republican ally including then senate majority leader trent lott of mississippi. mississippi haily barber had all attended events in the 21st century. the chair of the tric gave $55,000 to republican campaign funds in recent years including donations to the 2016 presidential campaigns of rand paul, rick sanitorium and ted cruz. racism requires to achieve its own goals within american society and its website of
hatred and lies provided the self-serving education dylan so desperately crave. he dranked in the poison of its message, got into his car and drove the charleston, entered emmanuel church and landed in a bible study with a group of african americans who were the model of respectability. he prayed with them, read the bible with them, thought they were so nice, then he shot them dead leaving just one woman alive so that she could tell the world what he had done and why. you're taking over our country, he said and he knew this to be true. well, not even a full month after dylan gun down nine african americans in charleston, south carolina, republican
presidential front runner donald trump fired up his silent majority audience of thousands in july 2015 with a promise, don't worry, we will take our country back. no, it's time instead that we take our country forward into the future. thank you. [applause] >> thank you. and now i'm going to it up for questions and i would ask that if you have any questions, please go to the mic. [laughter] >> ask. [laughter] >> ask. yes. thank you.
>> is this on? okay. well, i have read your book, okay. and we've discussed it with ferguson group here, readings on race book group. my one question that -- i find it very helpful it's good to have it on one -- one place. the one concern i had was it seemed that you really detailed problems that happened under republican administrations and with the eisenhower and nixon, you know, the bush and then the present situation under obama, but you didn't talk about clinton's ending welfare as you know it or other things that happened in democratic administrations which also had
disproportionate effects on black people. >> absolutely. and thank you. and one of the reasons behind that is because i was looking at these moments of advancement and in those moments of advancement where you're seeing seeing the pushback comes, you know, before '68 from the, you know, you've got the republicans and you've got the democrats. but one of the things in a piece that i did in salan just recently, i do begin to unpack just from what bill clinton and what he has done. now the article focused in on the gop but understand that there are a couple of thing happening here, is that white rage moves through parties. it isn't just isolated like in the republicans or isolated in the democrats.
and that is also really important to understand. yes. so it was just -- i could have easily, for instance, during the great depression when franklin eleanorroosevelt is southern democrats are saying, yes, we really do need relief, we need relief, we need agriculture funding and support. we need social security, but black people can't have that, so you can create this whole new deal come -- compendeuim but i could have talked about that. crunch piece of time.
>> thank you. >> i want to thank you for your work and it's profound and the things that you cited that i was completely unaware like that the state of mississippi didn't ratify the 13th amendment until 2013. >> yes. the state of mississippi finally got around to ratifying the 13th amendment which abolished slavery in 2013. they said it was an oversight. [laughter] >> they're really difficult pieces in here. i wanted to thank you for telling the story. >> thank you. >> which i had only recently learned about but i think being a witness to her story is so important and so powerful, so i read the book for the ferguson readings on race book too and -- [laughter] >> it's such a great book. i learned so much.
and so i was diligent about reading it and i had to put it down sometimes and it was so difficult and painful, so my question to you is was it like that for you writing it? i mean, it had to be much more difficult to write it and research it. >> it was tough. one of the things -- but i've been through this before in the first book. eyes off the prize. i had to deal with a lot of the lynchings that happened after the second world war. you know, so i'm dealing with a blow torch lynching and talking about blood boiling so hard that eyes popped out of the head. and i'm in those records. i'm reading through this so i've been in the bow and so that's
how it felt in these moments going through this but one of the things -- i have the mary turner lynching is just -- it is tough and it is a woman who protested because her husband was lynched and she's angry, 8 month's pregnant and so the lynchers came after her because she didn't know her place, how dare she protest that her husband was lynched and so they snatched her, stripped her, they hung her upside down from a tree, doused her with gasoline and set her on fire and then they saw her stomach because she's eight month's pregnant and they saw her stomach quivering and the baby pops out and they stomp on the baby's head and
when you're reading through those records, because one of the things that i think is also important to understand about the way white rage work is that we focus in on this kind of violent bru it is the system around that allows it to happen, that allows it to occur, that sanctions it. that's what gives it traction. everybody know who killed mary turner. he's naming the names so and so and he works at standard oil, so and so and he works at the furniture and nothing happened. and so when you have that kind of violence that happens in a community and then the powers
that be say, yeah, that's white rage because it creates the kinds of policies, the kinds of judicial system that allowed that to occur, in order to keep african americans in their place, to stop that advancement. thank you. >> so i have another question. >> sure. >> my other question and we talked about this a lot in our book club, but what can we do? what can we do? >> you're doing it. this is the thing -- i study movement. i love movements. my -- i love what i study, how do we change a norm? there are these moments. so for instance before the civil
war 80% of the nation's gnp was tie today slavery. 80% of the united states gnp tie today slavery but we got to the point, we had to fight a mean hard war but where the norm changed. we knew that slavery was wrong, we came to know that jim crowe was wrong. we came to know that apartheid was wrong. the movements that it takes to change those norms bit by bit, neighbors talking to neighbors. it's mobilizing, it's organizing, it's writing, it's talking, it's thinking, it's voting.
if it's european or russian or anything like that. why do you think it's so hard for some caucasians to recognize there are also they are also immigrants to this country and why are they so quick to say this is their country? >> i think a lot of that has to do with the way that history is taught three through 12. it creates a civics lesson and not a history lesson. it creates a flattened narrative about by whom and how the nation was founded, who built the nation, who created the railroads, who built the city's, who invented this, who invented that, and if you go through
those kinds of standard textbooks, what you will find is very minimal discussion about anybody else. it is whites who have built america, whites who have sustained america. whites who created. whites are america. it's that framing in our textbooks from k-12 that have really solidified this narrative we do get we are a nation of immigrants. you get that thrown out there but then you have the melting pot. we all become one, but not really. there's a statistic that says only about 20% of americans have a bachelors degree that means somewhere out around 80%, this
is the history they know. you know how it is when 70 tells you something, the first or you hear is the the one than that everything else has to be weighed against. if the first or you here and it's the story you have heard over and over and over again then trying to say, you know, your folks came from poland. i have a story for that i was teaching a foreign-policy class and i broke my students into research team. they were to be the team for a
series of issues. they were human rights and energy and the environment. i had one on immigration that team actually wrote a great policy paper on immigration. it was really good. i required they present it to the rest of the class as part of the president's team. the responses were so vitriolic, things like yeah, my parents were immigrants but i really do think we need to build a wall. wow.
you mentioned we only pay attention to the flashpoints. here in ferguson, michael brown was shot and killed, you talked about the fact that people only pay attention to the flashpoints. here in ferguson, michael brown was shot and killed, people take to the street and the police and politicians overreact and in ferguson blows up and suddenly it is national and international news. in baltimore, people marched peacefully and nobody pays attention until people start looting and writing and once again it's national and internationally news. my question is, someone as nonviolent as you can get, how, it seems like white people or
people only pay attention to things when they turn violent. how do you protest peacefully and still get attention and make a difference when it seems like the flashpoints are the only things people will listen to. >> one of the reason i wrote this book is so people pay attention to the kindling. we really need to understand the power of powerful and we need to pay attention to our office holders. they need to pay attention to what they are doing and asking that next set of questions. i would push back just a bit that whites only pay attention to something when it blows up. in movement, in struggle you have whites who are there on the
ground who are doing the hard heavy lifting. you have asians on the ground doing that hard heavy lifting. as well as having latinos and african-americans, you you have people who are doing the base work, the organizing, the strategizing, the letter writing and social media has helped so much with that mobilization. the thing that happens is that we don't see it. that is why when something jumps off mad, crazy, crazy, because of that organizing has already been in place, you have people
and organizations that step into the breach who help provide policy rationale, policy options and provide safe spaces. we just don't see that heavy lifting but it is there. that's why we have to keep at it it's not sexy. we love sexy. this kind of lifting isn't sexy, but as i documented and tried to go through, looking out what the supreme court is doing, this is why we have to pay attention to who the supreme court nominees are. we have to pay really close attention because their decision help shape the wharf and roof of this nation.
to follow up with his question, let's go back to charleston. when one of us whites don't act appropriate than they talk about whether it was parents or environment we go on to this intellectual assessment so we can figure out and keep her image intact while the death of our nine brothers and sisters. [inaudible] it doesn't count. we judgeourselves by our best example and we judge you by your worst. there's violence in that by never allowing yourself, we call it it's not safe. no, it's not comfortable. the the media presents in a narrative that we whites want and then support and that's violence for me. i think it is violence. we know flashpoints.
we know we come back looking good. could you comment on that. >> that was a boom. i am working on a piece dealing with the politics of respectability. one of the elements in this politics of risk that affect ability is how african-americans don't get the benefit of the doubt. i walk through why the politics of respectability was deployed during the civil rights movement as a means to try to humanize african-americans to the larger american society, to the powerbrokers.
there was a series of killing, brutal, horrific killings like the lynching of claude neil in 1934 where he was dragged out of in alabama jail and tortured and sent down to florida with the spectacle lynching hoisted up on a stand and tortured. tortured. the florida state said there's no crime because he wasn't from here. alabama said there wasn't a crime because he wasn't killed here and so the naacp turns to the fbi because then we had the lindbergh kidnapping law that if you crossed state lines at the federal offense and j edgar hoover said there was no ransom required, no crime. so seeing what this kind of violence on the blackbody has done, we saw the civil rights movement deployed the politics
of respectability as a way to make visible that the only way, the only reason that you're seeing mrs. amelia yanked onto the concrete in selma is because she's black. this can't be anything but racism. it was a way to say you can't say you had a criminal record. this is why you see this deployed. the politics of respectability does have some good pieces in it. i'm not one of those who just plops it off as some kind of bourgeois victorian thing because being sober is not a bad thing. we know that alcohol and drugs destroy families. being sober is not a bad thing.
education is a good thing. what it doesn't do is to protect black bodies from white violence. so one of the things about charleston, charleston drove me to this. i looked at that because the nine who were killed for the model of respectability. his son nikki haley in south carolina going that was really bad. then you had to have their killer. you got respectability, that's one. their killer had to be an about white supremacist. they had to find in controversial proof that he was an about white supremacist. he had to have the south africa flag and he had to have the
confederate flag, i'm not done yet. then he had to have his manifesto where he says i want to start a race war. that's still not enough. then you had to have the family of the slain forgive dylan roof. wow. then, they are going to take down the confederate flag with dignity. we see a today. what happened in orlando is horrific.
the way the killer has then become the avatar for all muslims in the world, but you didn't see the same kind of rationale being used for instance with to timothy mcveigh, right? so that's part of the way that these narratives work in the way they begin to under berg policy because you here, as they are talking about muslims and terrorists that they are in fact talking about what kind of policies to put in place based on this. yes. so another thing, you know the story when they looked up and saw three flags standing in the
confederate flag flu at full mast a minute strategized and she was going up the pool and a white male at the bottom and the order was given at the police which would have electrified her. they look at his man. they backed off and let her live. the only reason she's alive today's because that white man was at the base of the pole and said to kill him and they. [inaudible] people don't know that story because they wouldn't report it. >> i'm a historian and i'm going to run with this one. in 1946 in columbia tennessee white shop owner slapped a black woman. her son was standing next to her. you do not lay your hands on somebody's mother. that veteran picked that white
man up and threw him out the window. the whites in the town organized to lynch the black man. the black veterans in that town wasn't having it. basically it's called the columbia tennessee race riot. after it was over, 23 african-americans were arrested but lots of shooting and killing happen. sure good thurgood marshall came to defend the lack man in tennessee but he couldn't stay in a hotel because it was a whites only hotel. after court every day he would have to drive so he had one of his colleagues who was a white man and as they're driving out of columbia tennessee one night
after court he looks behind and the cop car. daigle left the cop car goes left. the car goes right they go right. finally the cops pulled them over. he said you need to come with us thurgood was like awesome map. thurgood got up and gets in the cop car. the white man looks up and he realizes there are several cars behind that cop car and they don't turn around to go back into columbia tennessee. instead they're heading off to the woods. thurgood marshall is getting ready to get lynched. the white man hops over into the driver's seat turned the car on and starts following. he scared but he was not, let
this happen. they speed up he speeds up they turn right he turns right. they turn left he turns left. finally they stop and they get out of the car and he says what you doing and he said i'm not going to let you do this. now think about the courage that it took in 1946 in the middle of tennessee, this loan white man standing up before the sheriff and his posse saying i'm not going to let you do this was one of those moments. i'm so glad i have some folks in my age up here. remember those aqua velvet commercials? thanks, i needed that. this was their bracing moment
per they had never seen anything like this before. they said okay fine so there is history in this kind of solidarity. it's absolutely essential. >> what i was going to ask about is i'm a believer that the problem, i'm involved with a lot of groups concerning racism and its overthrow or solving it, getting rid of it, i think we have a problem. i think we really need to know more about what happened and we have not been told the real truth. it may offend my caucasian friends but i'm sorry, i think they need to be offended.
if the truth is going to offend them it will help them become whole. i think that's really one of the problems that we are not really telling the truth and i'm glad that you are writing the way your writing and a lot of things are coming out. as an example, i listen to serious radio which i enjoy and i hear ms. hunter and she always talks from a historical point of view and she was talking about the lynching that took place. they would roast animals and then they would bring the person into be lynched, they would not only lynch them they would cut off their head and they might barbecue it. they wouldn't eat it, they would throw away. things like that, we really need
to know more about in the thing she brought up, they're saying the 49 people people killed in orlando was the worst mast mask are we ever. i said no, that's not true. you look at evelyn, i think i'm calling her right, someplace in arkansas. >> i say keep on writing. i wanted to ask you another question. i read about e franklin fraser in the 60s. i'd like to know where i might retrieve some of those about the lynchings that took place but a lot of these books are out of print now.
if you could help me, if you don't do it now. >> all do it after. >> there are some really good books that i use in my class on lynching because most of my students have not heard about this. one thing that happened, in many black families there's a lynching story. what to have a lynching story in the family, how it shapes the way you move through this society. how it frames what you think about justice and how the system works in the society. it is staggering and so there are several books i use. one of them is at the hands of persons unknown.
thank you so much. i really appreciated that. thank you. here are some books featured on "after words" the political left is using scare tactics to silence political speech. eric discusses his time in iraq working as a interrogator for military contractor. terry greenberg, director on the center for security at fordham university takes looks look at the steps to combat terrorism since september 11. pulitzer prize-winning journalist will discuss the
events that surrounded the killing of osama bin laden along with other covert operations that have taken place during the obama administration. coulter will make her case for supporting donald trump for president. also face the nation moderator will remember some of the most important moments in presidential campaigns. this weekend syndicated radio host dana lash contends that the united states is dividing itself into two country, coastal america and flyover america. >> flyover nation is that area between new york and l.a. that is 30,000 feet below your plane window, it's that huge expanse of patchwork when you look down. you have no idea what's going on down there. it's small town america. it's mom-and-pop shops, it's the people, middle class america,
people who are farmers and union worker. i have and uncle who owns a quarry, it's people who worked in the quarry. it's everyday people who value family and don't live on the coast. they have different values which will get into in the book. it's really, it's all of those people that don't get the attention that the coast gets, that the beltway get. >> "after words" airs on book tv every saturday at ten pm and sunday at 9:00 p.m. eastern. you can watch all previous "after words" programs on our websites booktv.org. >> the federal government's long mobilization of the war on crime created a particular type of social control, one that one that signals the target arrest of marginalized americans of new industries to support this regime of control are among the central characteristics of domestic policy in the late 20th century. the decisions that policymakers
and officials acting in circles made at the highest levels of government had immeasurable consequences for low income americans in the nation. however unintended some of those choices may have been at at different times in different political moments. ultimately, the bipartisan consensus to policymakers fixated on the policing of urban space and eventually removing generations of young men and women of color from their communities to live inside prisons. we can excuse a set of actions and choices they made at the product of their time or is merely an electoral tactic but by doing so you will continue to avoid legacies of enslavement enslavement that still prevent the nation from realizing the promise of its founding principles. until recently, the devastating outcomes of the war on crime have gone unnoticed. for many americans it appeared as though discrimination ended
with the civil rights movement in the united states had to move beyond exploitation. alongside the tremendous growth of american law enforcement over the past 50 years, a black middle class surfaced and they assumed positions of power with greater visibility's. displays of black wealth for popular consumption to the presidency of barack obama. these achievements promoted discourse and personal responsibility even further. it makes it seem as though the systematic incarceration of entire groups of racially marginalized citizens reflected the natural order of things. put equal representation and the fact that some black americans have amassed incredible wealth does not mean that racism and inequality has ended which i am sure is not news to many of you in this room today. they grew more affluent by 1965 and the net financial assets
were $7448. only $448 above that. the black middle class has always been concentrated in the public sphere and social services where mobility is tied to the extent of's state funding on domestic programs. in celebrating the racial inclusion championed by activists and allies in classrooms across the nation fact that many of the critical reforms of the postwar period have been negated remains unrecognized. for instance, nine years years after the passage of the voting right at the supreme court ruled it constitutional to deny convicted felons the right to vote. they have consistently removed convex ever since the 1974 which was the ramirez decision. today nearly 6 million americans, most of whom have already served their sentences
are deprived of the franchise. as a result of the racial disparity in american policing and criminal justice practices, an estimated one out of 13 african-americans will not vote in the 2016 election due to a prior conviction. because of this disenfranchised a key civil right movement has come undone. we go on and on. to make a questionable situation worse they mainly count people who are incarcerated in the state and federal prisons as residents of the county where they are serving time. although rule areas are homes, their home to the majority of prisons in other words urban americans who favored democrat loss representation and rural districts that tend to favor republican