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tv   No Justice No Peace Panel  CSPAN  February 12, 2017 11:51am-12:01pm EST

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and many others on the 50% of the children are in school. these children want to go to school, but there also, it's not just that they want to and they should be in school, these children are the future of syria. these children are the future of come is syria going to be a peaceful place? are they going to be the engineers, the architects, you know, the politicians, the mayors, or are they going to be the people who will perpetuate the cycle of violence? i just so they don't understand. >> "after words" errors on booktv every saturday at 10 p.m. and sunday at nine p.m. eastern and you can watch all previous "after words" programs on our website >> high. so in listening to all speak about irresponsible statistics being used or issues being used against the black community or whether not the data was caused
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by external factors or is being exacerbated by black community i was might of heather mcdonald, to speak to the law school a a couple of weeks ago. an argument she heard often is to use statistics a black violent crime or other statistics of black communities to justify and issues taken against the black community are the increase police shootings against black people. i was wondering what you all would use to employ against arguments like that or against arguments that are kind of justifying things done against black people because of statistics that are prevalent within the country? >> i will start. so much am i think on this is kind of comes from his ideas about the ways in which statistics become these
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discourses in terms of talking about inequality, criminality, et cetera. part of it is that cryin crime s really tricky to measure crime. the crime rate itself is very flawed. most fundamentally by the fact that we don't measure statistically the crime rate itself is class. the crime statistics are reflected in what is called street crime, and they are also based largely on a wrap. many policymaking, the development of the modern typical apparatus in the mid-1960s, part of the investment that johnson made his kind of creating a whole new computerized criminal justice data system that would allow policymakers and law enforcement officials to better measure crime. but when you're basing crime rates on arrests alone, that is essentially reflecting to some
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extent police contacts in certain communities. if you have a targeted deployment of police officers in roxbury come in detroit, in low income black and latino communities that is going to the high rate of arrests and a thin shapes the crime rate on top of that. the crime rate measures, say a group of black youth, 10 black youth are arrested for robbing a liquor store, and they are all found but none of them are even indicted or to spend a night in june, charges are all dropped, the arrests of those 10 youth still packed into the crime rate. so again this is the ways in which, i mentioned this at the very outset of my remarks but the assumptions that target deployment in the first place and then the statistics that support that implement become
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this self-fulfilling prophecy when a continual flow of law enforcement resources are consistent thus increase over police police and underprotected low-income urban communities. >> i want tommy to respond to this question. it's really important to what he is doing. >> well i mean one thing we can talk a lot about to what extent there is a violent crime problem in poor black communities, and we can talk back and forth about how that is and what you wear measure of think those are important conversations to have but i think what we find ourselves doing is trying to deal with a range of forms of disadvantaged youth using crime control measures. people who are oppressed and are constrained are often frustrated and angry. they often lose hope. they often strike out as a
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result. sometimes people, they lack the means and so they participate in unlawful activities in order to try to gain income. but some of the things they're doing, they are doing in response to the constrained circumstances that they are under. you could discontinue or you could say it were not going to do anything about that, all we're going to do is just used the first features of the criminal justice system to just contain, and we were not going to do anything about the things that might encourage unlawful sometimes even violent conduct amongst some of the most deeply disadvantaged people in society. so what w we've done for the mot part, and that is for a long time, is just rely on various pieces of the criminal justice system to deal with social inequality. i think that's the way, i mean, i think it's important to
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contest the stereotypes about black criminality about the way in which we count crime. but it's also important to i think contest even where there is violent crime to be dealt with, the only way to do with this is with the criminal justice system. >> and quickly to the point just to extend that point, it's not an abstraction to two things, one, domestically when levels of white people adapt, when there's violence directed against white people come historically we've seen this happen, it's been read as a symptom of something in the society of which the response is to fix the society. you can read more about that on the work i've done. but even internationally when the measured health of other societies we measure the health of other societies by personal violence. we assign all sorts of categories of health and wellness based on whether we going to lend to the societies can what are the democratic principles we're going to hold governments accountable for it
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if levels of violence within those committees. essentially only in america with regard to black people do we literally throw our hands up and say oh, my gosh, like people are killing themselves. how coul can we do anything abo? lets put more police officers in the community. that's what we've been doing now for 50 years. and miraculously, the last thing i'll say about this is, like people are have actually been figuring out on their own how to make their communities safer without, not without, in spite of the occupation of police forces. 103 about this, probably indebted for the first time, but inspired by america divided. you should really watch of the things that tell the story are helpful to us. to help our imaginations to go. if you are thinking and creativity, but what if he treated the vast madrid of gun violence in the black community not as criminality but as
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evidence, essentially frontier society where in french or societies most interpersonal violence is treated as self-defense. if you listen to, if you listen to violence interrupters, listen to people live in those communities there is a hard line between the perpetrator and the offender. essentially people have to carry a gun because i never know where violence is coming from. in this country when that was true of white men, most white men tell us they consummate of a high-class status, white man, they generally got off because the jury of the peers is interested hey, i would've shot the guy, too, if he stepped on my shoes or insulted the added bar. we've actually created yet another double standard in this country we built a whole discourse around black people who with reason, this part of the point, he said, and rationality are not only afraid because of all has retreated or is untrustworthy, or fighting,
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you can't sue somebody if somebody does you wrong, and then we said you are bad people are we going to put abusive police officer in that community to either do harm our rest as many of you as possible. >> you can watch this and other programs online at >> c-span, where history unfold daily. in 1979 c-span was created as a public service by america's cable-television companies and is brought to you today by your cable or satellite provider. >> radio host hugh hewitt is next on both tvs hug "after words." he discusses his most recent book "the fourth way: the conservative playbook for a lasting gop majority" with "new york daily news" columnist s. e. cupp. >> host: so hugh hewitt, you've done something a bit


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