tv Vietnam Anti- War Movement CSPAN May 15, 2016 12:50pm-1:56pm EDT
>> next, a panel discusses the vietnam antiwar movement. former antiwar act to list, othersden joins including the playwright, robert jenkins, who serves as moderator. we will hear their views on a .ivided country this bout was part of a three-day conference at the lbj presidential library in austin, texas that was called the vietnam war summit. it is a little over one hour. >> ladies and gentlemen, please rise for the presentation of the colors by the texas army rotc color guard and for the pledge of allegiance led by marine
on the stage, in a debate that is bound to generate discussions, that he does not blame u.s. policy for the quagmire of the vietnam war. instead, he thinks the massive split in public opinion is what theed the conflict to end way it did. today, we will explore the roots of the split, hearing from people who are both involved in widening the gap and reporting it in the media. in the session this afternoon, willgendary journalists discuss the role that the media had in shaping our opinion on the vietnam war. coverageralleled brought the was brutal -- war's brutal reality into our living rooms every night.
the afternoon will also feature two photographers who will talk about the way photography effect did americans. for the first panel, we will talk about the divisions that the work created throughout our country as the antiwar movement grew, and support for the war eroded. it is my pleasure to present the participants and the moderator for the first panel, "war at home." tom hayden is the author of 20 many articles. he has spent more than 50 years and social movements, beginning with the freedom rides of 1960. he was founder of sds, students for a democratic society. he was a high-profile leader of the antiwar movement. hayden has lectured other colleges.
is author of six is ,elling and award-winning books including "they marched into sunlight." he won the pulitzer prize for national reporting in 19 a three and has been nominated on three other occasions. marilyn young is a professor of history at new york university where she teaches on u.s. foreign-policy, the politics and culture of postwar u.s., as well as on history of modern china and the history and culture of vietnam. she is the author of numerous .ooks en.ally, robert shank
he will be moderating this afternoon's discussion. he is author of 14 original full-length plays and the movie, "the quiet american." he has won the pulitzer prize, tony award, and has been nominated for two emmy awards. tonyopted his own award-winning play "all the way" about lyndon johnson. thank you very much for joining us here today. [applause] >> i want to start by thinking the lbj library and director of
pro vision for the library, and a conversation i hope will be repeated all over the country. i was so moved by yesterday's panels. my takeaway, the thing that was a statement by mr. galloway, her injunction to us all, hate the war, love the warrior. kate the work, love the worrier. with that in mind, it is theopriate to it knowledge veterans in our office -- here today, to you men and women, we thank you for your service to our country.
i also want to add to those individuals in the audience, who participated in the antiwar who, byvement, exercising their conscious constitutional rights, thank you for your service to the country. hate the war, love the worrier. with the panelists we have here, people who represent a wide range of experience in politics but who have fought passionately about his issues. the title is how the war shaped and american culture. we have 50 minutes, so we will just with that out and then get on to iraq and settle the national debt. vietnam, it about
seems to me it created an almost unendurable moral conflict. presidents, privates, and citizens all. we are not here today to refight all battles -- old battles, no matter how tempting. is forthink we all hope a moment, you will get beneath the rhetoric and talk and engage with ourular way history and in doing so, come to a more complete and honest understanding of ourselves and our nation. believe real healing only begins with such conversations. intoiscussion will fall two parts. the first will be the antiwar piece movement and the second will be a larger effect on american culture.
i would ask you to give us a little context. i am not a historian. it seems there is a muscular history in america of civil disobedience in regards to foreign wars. think of henry thoreau or the draft rights in new york city. give us a little context about the antiwar piece movement. you do not know how many of were here last night, but i wanted to correct something henry kissinger said. he said there had been no carpet bombing in cambodia and the anded states had bombed narrow strip and had succeeded in its goal and reduced american casualties. i knew that was wrong but i wanted to get it exact.
the united states dropped tons 230,516 on and 113700 and 16 sites. sake of historical accuracy. some may feel that was justifiable, but it was not a five-mile bombing strip. civil disobedience and many of the tactics employed by the city rights and antiwar movement begins with the labor movement. civil disobedience in terms of the mexican-american war and tacticsnflicts, but the we added strikes, moratoria of various kinds.
the knowledge did not disappear but it went further underground in the 1950's. when mccarthyism so dominated american politics, it was very difficult. all protesters were labeled communists and many were jailed. protesters of the korean war were barely visible. it was in polls but not out on the street. the civilned is rights movement ignited a mass movement in the country north and south. we'll started to happen was a growing number of americans realized that the country they thought they lived in, peaceful and just and honorable, did not exist and maybe never had.
recognition ofy the way in which the patriotic metanarrative we all learned in school was at the very least inaccurate. what the civil rights movement ofught to the front in terms understanding and rewriting the history of the united states, the bravery and courage, all the very directly fed into antiwar movement. 1963, beginning then and war itselfeadily as built, the antiwar movement took over. >> i am so pleased you brought us to the civil rights movement. everyone knows tom as one of the
leading voices in the antiwar movement but they may not be aware of his service in terms of civil rights, he was one of the extorted individuals who put his body on the line in challenging jim crow and was beaten for it. about the morelk precise connection between the civil rights movement and the antiwar piece movement? >> thank you for your welcome. i was a student editor for the university of michigan and i meet withsit to people like rob and my first wife, sandra. they were all involved in the antiwar movement, after they were involved in the civil rights movement. conscripted to be a freedom writer at a bus terminal told that ind i was
should be beaten up and not , and my wife was told to stay at a distance so she could take notes for the ywca. they employed her. it was a time when vietnam was a very distant object in my site. devastated by the cuban missile crisis that occurred when we were young and traumatized so many people. it was the civil rights movement, the young people from the black community in the south, who post test first opposed the war and the draft. they were drafted in the largest numbers and sent to the
battlefield in a disproportionate number as well. is 1960, 1961, 19 to two. it is not 1968. i think people like cash is clay became malcolm x in people's minds as all one big black resistance. the ones withe of the conscription on religious grounds. it was mainly a black movement arising among young people at the time. i became a freer writer and a civil rights activists when living in atlanta. vietnam was some distance in my mind. we quickly knew 17,000 advisers were there and we knew the draft
was coming. york and the -- to new i will never forget it was like 100 naked 17-year-old in the and place kind of shivering one y.ssigned i said why and they said, if the communist hits the beach, you will be rung up. >> which beach? >> the sam hagel beach. i would be called up in case the war came home. >> it is interesting, the ironic juxtaposition of the civil rights movement and that of vietnam. particularly here because johnson was a huge supporter of civil rights and did so much for
it and yet would find himself in opposition. it will shortly take a sharp turn away. intot to be -- bring david the conversation. one thing often talked about is the generation gap. the idea that the oldest generation is the greatest and their children became the countercultural revolution, that there was a substantial in character or >> more attitude. -- class or attitude. this in about beautiful and compassionate way. i wonder if you would words about the book and what you did with that. i think it speaks to what we are trying to get at here.
david: i commented a few years later the book takes place in 1967. it is when everything is still up in the air, before walter saying vietnam war was a stalemate. no one knew when the antiwar movement would end up. of not knowingy at that point what would happen next. the generation gap of 1967 was not what it would become in 1970, when i arrived at the university of wisconsin campus in the fall of 1967, the largest membership group were the young republicans. panty raid. [laughter] but, i was one of
millions of kids just coming of everynd it seemed like week was a year where there was so much transformation and change for every week starting for me in the fall of 1967. the events my book hinges on, one is a protest at the university of wisconsin, the other is a battle in vietnam during a time when the general was asking president johnson for more in more troops and just had and went out and help them in place and kill them, we would win the war. the two events are going on at this time in the book. both of these involve the beginning of what would become a generation gap because of what my generation saw as either
deception or falsification, they believe they were inculcated in in the younger years of america's greatness, which flew in the face of what we were facing a cap point. in 1967, in some sense, a civil rights movement had been going along for a long time. ,ou have many people like tom who actually knew what was going on in vietnam and were studying and could talk about it in an andlligent historical way, you have thousands of kids just started to learn about it at that point. here, the protest and the charges laid against the students as being unpatriotic, agent orange has
gone on to be one of the worst anders of those great men women who served. david: one of the connections and ironies of the two completely different worlds. the antiwar and what was going in vietnam. they are about the same thing. one of the connections that is both tragic and meaningful is here were the students protesting holding a civil disobedience sit in and many of the soldiers who survived the battle i wrote about over the last 10 years have been dying of different bladder cancers. one after another all attribute to that in vietnam in the area that was overloaded. interested in taking a moment to talk about
why there was such a passionate resistance to the war and to examine what i will call four wellsprings of this. it is important. to get the history right. escape -- wewe skate past things. we jump over it. i want to ask our panelists to respond to four issues. all of these fall under the heading of, why are we here? this beautiful video put together, a tape of president johnson explaining why we are here yet again. the first is we made a promise, promises were made. statess to me the united made a lot of promises to in number of different people at different times and there is a selectivity about which we honored in which we did not.
i would like to talk about that and focus very narrowly on the united states's early relationship at the end of world war ii. did have a relationship with ho chi minh. if i could toss that out to the panel, maybe you would like to speak to this? marilyn: one of the early protests was a full paid -- full times, in the new york that was 1963. there was a grown-up peace movement and maybe one has to distinguish between a peace movement and antiwar movement. they are connected but there might be interesting differences as well. minh had set up in the
mountainous region of northern vietnam. a station for broadcasting to the american air force the location of japanese air forces and so on. it starts in the mid-1940's. >> they were collaborating. working together. --ilyn: i think it was agent i know it was not 07. , there had been a downed pilot in the area and ho chi minh and some of the other members of the umbrella resistance to the japanese and later the resistance to the french, it was certainly led by communists like ho chi minh but also non-communist who are
against the japanese and against the french. situation.ased back a couple hundred miles to where there was an american airbase and there, he met the the generalhe asked for a picture of himself, and he loved to give out pictures of himself. cold pistols.or which were very popular. the general wrote to him and gave him several pistols, and he wrote back and distributed to each of the collaborating groups who were in the vietminh at the time. at some point, the united states robertted in, i believe
met him in the later years. >> i traveled to vietnam with the team, for another day, yes. >> and the beginnings of a military movement that would act against the japanese and the french. when the war ended in 1945, ho vietminh andhe troops trained by the americans movedder the leadership, and declared vietnamese independence. present was a number of other members of the team. helpi minh asked him for the declaration of independence. he had difficulty with some words and wanted to get it right.
robert: which he included in the vietnamese declaration of independence. he also wrote several letters saying, we want your help and we have been under french colonialism since the in0's and we need help economics and education. and we will open trade and investment and whatever. truman never answer the letters. people later claimed he never got them. most believe he did. off fromnh was shut that point. robert: the french come back. the decisions are made by the allied powers of the french will have colonies back and thus begins the war.
>> a momento to that, clark welch, a company commander in battle,who survived the he hadied a tommy gun gotten from the vietcong soldier in an earlier battle. tommy gunse of the showing that odd connection over the decade. war, ane end of the agreement is made. a reluctant ho chi minh excepts a temporary partition of vietnam with a clear understanding that there will be a free election in 10 years to determine this. marilyn: election was to be in two years. ho chi minh wanted it in months. a compromise was two years.
time was criticized at the for compromising but you have to understand the chinese had visions, and the anon's historical imagery with china, ho chi minh famously said i french shit smell for six years then eat chinese shit. promise -- the promised election was not held the war results, french are driven out in less than 16 years and america enters. let's set that aside for a second. >> about the panel was about the antiwar movement. and iy have a few minutes
do not think it is worth rehashing the history we already know about the 1940's. , withback to the panel all due respect, the antiwar amongnt partly started the french for people who were against the vietnam war and the algerian war. point, thevid's leadership quickly became veterans of the war. the leadership of the american antiwar movement were disabled or peoplend hospitals who had actually killed communists and had been wounded and came back to the attacked by their countrymen.
there were others who were very instrumental like john mccain. differences, they were able to get the administration to diplomatically anon and and what could have been another cold war disaster. because io this only met a veteran in california amed ron, who later became storyteller and a central figure , -- movie robert: born on the fourth of july. >> and i was teaching a >> at a catholic college and i invited him to come and speak. he had the students, he had that
hippie look, a classic veterans said wasne thing he unforgettable and could only be said by a vet. think. i body, but saved my mind. so we have to understand the role of veterans as well as clergy, as well as students, as well as the moratorium. robert: it was comprised of many groups and not just a student led group by any means. common had one thing in which was since we could not ,ote, but we could be drafted but we cannot vote on the politicians drafting us, there were very few channels of
movementthe nonviolent and the movement on college campuses and so on. it was kind of like a reconstruction after the civil war because the civil war ended after slaves locked away and became allies of the union army. students walked away, veterans and intellectuals draftees walked away, until one historian, late in the war, when it really turned terrible and ugly and that theid in a report war was going to end because the army was on the verge of collapse.
it was not simply the army. the campuses were all closed. after nixon invaded cambodia, there were more strikes than history. there is a numbers debate. have a future conferences need to study this because it is a mystery about why this happened. insult andis a moral being ordered around by a commander, the political order was it -- republicans and democrats, everything was a withdrawal because that was the only option. the country recognized things were coming to an end area robert: i want to from david. i want to bring this around.
the rhetoric of the government about the work, it simply was at on thee with the facts ground. he wrote about this and there were extraordinary temples. i wonder if you would not mind sharing one or two of them. >> this was the gap soldiers and soldiers blocked into an ambush. 140 soldiers, both hundred the in the waiting for them trees and in lunch -- in bunkers set up and because of the timing where there were troops making the argument that they could win the war because lied aboute military what happened in the battle.
they declared it a victory and and i foundy count a military historian who came to the site of thesoldiers becauses people have been killed in the battle. one was a football player who was a major in the other was lieutenant colonel terry allen, the son of a famous world war ii general. two of his daughters were in the audience today. and suffering all of these decades because of that war. case, the historian came in interviewed the survivors and said, how many viet cong did you see? one would say 10, woman say 11, 1 would say 12. they added them all up and said it was 140. and then general westmoreland came to the evac hospital a few days later and met with some of
the survivors. barrow, to one sergeant what happened? he said we were ambushed. westmoreland said you were not ambushed. they cannot acknowledge it was an ambush. that light bothered the soldiers more than anything else. it denied them of their integrity. thank you what happened in the battle and the government lied about it. whatever the politics of those soldiers were, which rank from antiwar to strongly supporting the war, they were all angry at the government for fabricating the reality of what happened on that day. >> it's easy to understand how the antiwar resistance spread with situations like this experience over and over again. that theno question antiwar peace movement
accomplished great things. it did bring the war to an and. there are two presidents who stepped down as a direct consequence of it. yet as in all things, there are opportunities missed or regrets. i was so moved, tom, by a statement of yours that you published online and i believe you have asked the lbj library to post on their website. both -- you say something that startled me. that ones something often associates with you. there is an aspect of humility here that i was quite moving. i want to ask if you want to expand a little bit on this. you said, and i'm reading from your post, "i personally regret my own part in many decisions that the peace movement made."
i find that as such a powerful and moving statement. i wonder if you would explain what that refers to will what that means for you. suffered ptsd. we were all veterans in a sense of a common tragedy. we were all led by high officials that deceived us and divided us. comparison in my mind between the suffering that our troops had inflicted on them by these policies and the casualty thator the antiwar suffered. there were eight suicides. 28 people were shot by our own troops. there is no comparison there. you can't goty is
through a life, you can't go through a war without regretting something. i was just reacting to the fact that there are semi-people who say -- so many people who say they are proud of what they did. whatever they did. i find in my many years in the legislature meeting with those veterans that they -- some of them were very hard lined. they wanted to be expelled from the legislature. i cannot agree with that. typically, after a couple of hours of discussion, the stereotypes kind of went back. i found myself almost telling war stories. >> you mean about the antiwar movement? >> we are all veterans of something. i have talked to chicago police about what they did to me and
what i allegedly did to them. 1968, thef chicago important point here is that at the height of those riots and the police coming in and the soldiers from vietnam being sent into what were called daily dosers with concertina wire on the front of the jeeps and to attack us with machine guns in the streets because they had abbieold by the fbi that hoffman was going to spread lsd into the waters of lake michigan and the black community in south chicago was going to rise up as guerrillas and take over the city during the convention. but the important story is the night before it reached its climax troops were called up from fort hood to come to chicago and to suppress us. there was a big meeting at fort
hood. 100, 200, 300 soldiers. they refused orders to go to chicago. they were told you will be disciplined and treated harshly if you don't go to chicago. they spent all night talking to their committing officers about them not going to chicago. they worked out a compromise. the commanders agreed there would be no live ammunition. as long as they made the appearance of going to chicago. betweenhe interaction the veterans and the people who are veteran activists could -- >> the irony in the complexity is very rich. when youby admitting feel guilty or badly about in your former opponent has the
listen very carefully and has to explain their side of it. there are two sides to everything. >> this is the conversation i hope continues nationally that we are starting your today. we are running out of time here. it's gone very quickly. i would like to take a little bit of what we have left to discuss the effect of the antiwar peace movement on american culture. i would like to start with race since we are all pretty much acknowledging the importance of civil rights and how that influenced this movement. how did the vietnam war impact race and race relations in the united states? i would really like to open this up. david, do you want to start us off? david: there is a lot of
contradictory things going on. on the one hand, one could argue that the military is the best integrated institution in american life. certainly, from after world war ii when the military did start desegregation through vietnam and into the present, the military has been an important of a neverhe rise get american middle class in america because of its meritocracy in some sense. in other ways, a lot of african-american soldiers came back from vietnam just as they had from world war ii feeling they had fought for a country where the whole cold war concept was america is the beacon of liberty and freedom in the world. yet these were second-class citizens in their own country.
that brought the movement after world war ii of blacks and certainly after vietnam it intensified even more, even as the black power movement was going through. a lot of these african-american veterans felt even more intensely disenfranchised from the country. >> what i think of as the tipping point in greeley, mississippi where stokely carmichael, who has been arrested yet again that morning and the released just in time to make the nighttime rally, this is on the merit of march. -- meredith march. he is beside himself with outrage. he will eventually lead to the crowded chance of black power. it's a tipping moment in the movement. a talks about a sign, handwritten sign he saw held by a young black man on the road that day which said, "no viet cong ever called me nigger." this really cuts to the heart of
this painful problem that african-american soldiers and being minorities felt sent abroad to fight on behalf of freedom and liberty and returning to a country in which they had only just recently gotten the right to vote. in 1967 -- it's an extraordinary speech in which he brings together the movements for civil liberties and civil rights and antiwar. he said it's a long and extraordinary speech. it is online. i urge you to read it. it's probably one of the great speeches of the last century. he said at one point that this was a time when they were called ghetto riots. you can call them uprisings. certainly rebellions in many
cities across the country. king said he could not raise his voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first raise my voice against the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today. that was the united states. and the speech -- i think it had a tremendous impact on both movements. i want to say something else and i don't know if my co-panelists will agree or how many of you will agree. the antiwar movement in the 1960's are always named as the moments of the greatest division in american history since the civil war. with the last spot on american soil. it seems to me that division and debate is essential to democracy. you get unity and unification in fascist countries, not a democratic ones. division is about disagreement. it is about arguing.
it is about listening. i don't know about healing. some things may be can't ever heal. that is a possibility, but you can open the wound and examine it. in fact, if you don't clean it, it will never heal. it's poisonous forever. i just want to say a word in favor of reasonable divisions. america --y and what what course america should take in the world. >> democracy is a messy business. >> one hopes. [laughter] >> exactly. that speech of -- [applause] >> i would like to -- dr. king said that is a turning point in the movement. in the turning point
johnson administration and his relationship to dr. king sadly because the president views king's very clarion call for resistance -- >> it's an amazing moment in your play. >> as this loyal. it's another -- as disloyal. how did the vietnam war and the conflict affect the united fores in terms of class, our awareness of class or classes visions? we talk about one modest example, the draft and the unfairness of the draft which anyway,, initially minorities. it also targeted white students and white individuals who work poor.d -- were
there was a real class focus. i think there was significant movement in this regard in terms of our awareness of what we think of ourselves as a very egalitarian society. but how true is that? >> i don't think the draft is a modest part of it at all. is a very important part. contradiction, the democracy was there in the draft in terms of who could get out and why. and i think throughout the course of american wars you have seen that played out in different ways. largely the working class fighting the wars that the upper middle-class or the government and policymakers are coming from a different class. with some exceptions, john kerry being one. and senator rob another.
to a large degree at think that attention has always been there. both in manyit is ways a negative. the largest being that the nation at any point is not affected by the policy and the war and can go one with its live without really dealing with it. it's is the working class fighting. marine.d was a i was raised on a marine base in san diego. five was tot at age walk to the coast and look for japanese zeros that were going to attack. i was part of the civil defense. [laughter] >> and you did a good job. >> fairly well. i was only five. >> history shows the renault
zero attacks on the west coast during tom's watch. >> my favorite book as i grew older was "from here to eternity." that was the story of the grunt. my dad was a grunt. he was not sent in the combat. my uncle was a grunt. he was sent into combat and was killed by his own friendly fire, killed by his own machine gun. but the story of the grunt is the story of the class differences within our own military between poor working-class up to the officer corps. in the larger society is the same differences. i don't think any to spell them out. i just wanted to draw attention to them, to the role of the grunt. that is what we call them in 1944.
>> i think it is significant that dr. king will eventually ate after the speech riverside. within a space of a few years to to poorng his mandate people's march. no longer raised based by class conscious. i have always thought -- and that is when he dies. interesting. i want to talk for a minute about another significant consequence of the war on american culture. that is the relationship between citizens and their government. i think we have a very different previouship now non-and post-vietnam. if we can talk a little bit about that. >> citizens learn they have to check up on the government.
they rely on journalists. when journalists are great, they are truly great. if you read them closely, then you can find out what is going on. when you find out what is going on the government does not always have your best interest at heart, nor the best interests of many americans and you begin to question the slogan. it was a very rude word that i want use. was then authority" polite way to put it. i think questioning authority is essential, not just in a political system but to growing up. to being a full citizen. you question authority. it does not mean you always have to combat it, but you need to question. that need to question, i think it comes up in the civil rights movement initially and then it multiplies and multiplies and multiplies. i don't know i would call it ptsd, but for 10 years i woke up every morning in a state of rage
at my government because i could see what it was doing and what it was making its military do. that was not an unimportant part of my teaching, my professional life and my moral life. i want to say that the antiwar movement with many veterans, although many did not, formed a kind of community. a shared culture of music for sure. you listen to the same music even though -- even though you were not in colorado you smoke the same dope. you went on the same marches. 1971 with the huge march against the war. the vet's leading it. vets and then the rest of the antiwar movement not long after. john kerry's great speech to
congress which i hope you close this evening. if he doesn't, i have a copy. [laughter] are -- we have just a few minutes left here. i would like to bring this up to the current moment. there are social movements now. many of them began as student movements. i think specifically of occupy wall street or black lives matter. -- did these movements today what depth did they owe -- debt do they owe to the antiwar peace movement and what ways to the echo one another? what might they learn from the experiences, from the regrets that we have? let's touch on that if we might. say whathard for me to the younger people in these
movements know about history and the past. [laughter] >> true that. [laughter] >> i think a lot of it has to do with the disparities in income and race that are still evident from the time of the earlier movements. i'm not sure that all the people in these movements are connected to that. i think the other -- they are more motivated by what they see in front of them. just as people in the antiwar movement of the 1960's saw disparity between what the government was saying and what they promise of america was versus the reality. so are people in the black life movement seeing this disparity of a post-racial america versus the reality of how young black men are treated by the police in united states. i think there are parallels but i'm not sure they see a connection.
>> i agree very much with what david said. one of the big differences is the difference social media makes. i think this is on a negative side. we used to attend endless meetings. endless, and was meetings. you had to say because if he didn't, you do so many crazy might -- [laughter] i did not go to chicago. it was a decision. with social media is not visible. you don't really argue face-to-face. crowds can be together. you can have flash protests, which are useful. i'm not against them. but because they are flash, they are of flash in the pan. there is no staying power. figurecupied they cannot
out a clean set of demands they can be responded to. it was sort of a kitchen sink somection of things that of the things i did not agree with and some i did but there were too many. there was no way to really follow up on them. i think this will change. i think it is bound to change. the early civil rights movement and the early feminist movement and the early antiwar movement shaped a young hillary clinton, the occupy wall street movement has made it possible for bernie sanders. the outside-in side effect, but bernie's campaign is absolutely a response to the collapse of the wall street --
>> certainly hard to predict where this will go. this has been an extraordinary conversation. i want to thank our panelists, david and marilyn. tom, a german's job here. thank you -- tom, a tremendous job here. thank you. [applause] >> i wish we had time for questions. messy.cracy is hate the war, love the warrior. peace out. thank you. [applause] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] [crowd noise] [crowd noise]
[laughter] tv,ext on american history dan ratherespondent and peter arnett talk about their work on the front lines in vietnam. they tell the experiences and how they compare their experiences with the official government reports of the war. dan rather aired on cbs. and peter arnett work in vietnam for the associated press from 1962 to 1975. andrew sherry of the night foundation, a former foreign correspondent moderated the conversation. we began with a two-minute video clip of dan rather reporting from vietnam. this is part of a three-day conference at the lbj presidential library in austin, texas that organizers call the vietnam war summit. it's about one hour.