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tv   History of U.S. Political Campaign Advertising  CSPAN  August 20, 2016 8:00pm-9:21pm EDT

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mark the centennial of the national park service, we're featuring historical sites from c-span cities tour. for more information about our travels, check out our website, she's tour. you are watching american history tv, only kind, every weekend on c-span3. >> louisiana state professor robert mann teaches on a class on political advertising in the united states gilligan's with contentious election between thomas jefferson and john adams and continues through the don and televised political ads in the 1950's and 1960's. his classes one hour and minute. today we are going to
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talk about some of the history of modern political advertising. focus primarily on television. we will look at a lot of tv spots. through 2008.2 they will be presidential campaign spots. a's not to give you comprehensive review of campaign advertising. i want to give you a feel for how it's developed. primarily how it has become more sophisticated, more like conventional advertising in a lot of ways. -- inhale antiquated it was in how antiquated it was, how far behind politicians were from conventional advertising. happened towhat change?
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to bring political advertising into the modern era? we will see a stark difference. when it changed is the subject of my research recently. we will spend a lot of time that one election in 1964 that change things in ways that have endured today. primarily the idea of emotion and fear to political advertising. we have talked about that and some of you have dealt with that. have seen it or have used it consciously or unconsciously in your messages. from some of the tv spots or the speeches you will do. you have used fear and emotion in ways that were used well to great effect 50 years ago. thing, i want to put
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wethe table the idea that talk about negative politics and how nasty it is and how we need civility in politics. there is a nostalgia that is this. latewe can go back to the 1800s, or the days of the were nice andthey genteel and kind to each other. sitting in coffeehouses in philadelphia talking about weighty issues. no, they were attacking each other very viciously. , the idea ofese this cartoon here is that, but with these founders have to say about hillary clinton and barack obama going at each other's thro ats? it was a, looks pretty familiar. they would say it looks pretty
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mild. you know the federalist party tried to outlaw the republican democrats, the party of thomas jefferson. they tried to outlaw them through the alien and sedition acts. domestic and international politics revolving around the cause i war with france. it resulted in one party trying to outlaw another. nothing approaching the kind of cash -- we have nothing approaching the kind of vitriol today. as vicious as we say it is, no party would think today of trying to outlaw the other party and through the opposition into jail. that was done in the late 1800s -- 1700s. one good example is this campaign, considered by many to
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be the first true presidential campaign where candidates, where for the office. it was thomas jefferson and john adams. and did they ever get vicious. people were riding through the putting into newspapers that thomas jefferson was dead. people saying barack obama is not a citizen? people were saying thomas jefferson is dead, so don't bother voting for him. iesday's, there was no cnn -- n those days, there was no cnn or something that could quash a rumor like that. that got into the body politic. recently put together a backthat might have aired
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in those days. if television existed and john adams put together a spot attacking thomas jefferson, what would it look like? to give you an idea of the vitriol at the times and how our politics are not that bad by comparison to the earlier era. ♪ >> ignition destroyed, dwellings in plains, female chastity the pike and help her. it happen in france, but it can happen in america is thomas jefferson is elected president. murder, robbery, rape and insist will be openly taught and practiced. the soil will be soaked in blood and the nation black with crimes. great god of compassion and justice, shield our country from destruction. vote federalist. >> 84 by the entrance
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commission. -- paid for by the athens commission. ♪ mr. mann: follow that seems pretty plausible except for the disclaimer. i don't think they would've had to finance law that would have required a disclaimer in those days. but that's the foundation. these attacks were not new and different. maybe people were saying that stuff newly in their homes and this never hast been some part of genteel part of our history. the other thing we ought to dispel his this myth and image in politics. we think of image as presidential candidates and
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makers,ans and image that that came along in the 19th century. no, from the very beginning there were events that developed about candidates in general. one of the most enduring that remains today -- there have been committee hearings in congress two senators got into a ridiculous argument about who came from a more humble background. that, butughed at that has been an image that politicians have tried to portray forever. no one wants to have his or her voters believe that he is a rich wealthy person with no idea what common people live like. what is the image in those days? i comeorn in a log cbin, from humble roots. there were plenty of politicians
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who really were not born in log saids, who nonetheless were suggested that they were. i guess this is not william henry harrison saying i was born in a log cabin. we have another tactic of advertising, just the association. i'm standing in front of a log saying this is my. you take the inference. the idea that you bring certain information and certain prejudices and biases and other debate, and the candidate is not doing anything but plugging into those and exploiting information that you already have.
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also the idea of glorifying presidential candidates and suggesting they have supernatural powers, or that they are heroic in a way that they are not. certainly secretary taylor, --mer that republicans certainly zachary taylor, former baton rouge resident. you can see something like this in the not-too-distant past. that is the way we like to think of our leaders in a heroic way. god, look at this, the rays o f heaven shining down upon this guy. he was thought of as very heroic, the victor of the mexican-american war, which ended on this territory to our country. of course, the only way to
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advertise in those days was by billboard. not billboard, but handbills, and broadsides, and newspapers. many of them were affiliated with one party or another. the party newspapers became the vehicle by which the candidates not so much advertised themselves, because they did not need to -- the papers were promoting them. that was what they existed to do. political efficacy was the function of newspapers. more specifically, advertisements for the party. much of the 18th century, where representatives of the party. they were not candidate in their own right. in many cases, they never spoke
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in public or campaigned. many of them never actually gave speeches. it was not until the early 1900s that there was a campaign in bed both candidates stumped for the office. there were plenty of races where one didn't and others do not. it wasn't until the early 1900s when two candidates did it in a traditional way that we think of campaigns occurring. the candidate supporters became the campaign. here is an example of this torchlight parade of march through a town in new jersey. probably came in nighttime. -- camden in nighttime. way they expressed their support for lincoln.
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that was a form of political advertising. -- here is william mckinley in 19 -- 1896. what did he do? he did not go around the country, but he spoke in a way that candidates have not always spoken. he stayed at his home in ohio, and people would come to him. how novel. people would get on trains and r ide into town and standing in his front yard, ben mckinley would walk out and give a speech to people. so the candidates came to the candidate, which was unusual, but it worked, because he got elected twice.
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for much of the first 100+ years of the republic, this is how candidate advertised themselves. these small posters that were reproduced and spread around the country. this is a good example, this from the 1900s. if you look closely, it sort of told a story. there is a bit of a narrative component to this, which some of the storytelling narrative in the middle part of century. a simple one from 1908 when howard taft was running. it just says, "good times." [laughter] isn't that interesting?
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here is the guy that in modern era of presidential politics, teddy roosevelt exemplified what it meant for a campaign activist to campaign actively. and take his stump campaign to the electorate in a way that did not become scandalous. william henry harrison had done it before, but he only did it because he said he was answering the scurrilous charges against him. he believe it was undignified, but he did it because he had to defend himself. roosevelt made no apologies, who thought it was the best way to run for office. he campaigned actively. woodrow wilson did the same thing. pushhedactively
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his election and reelection. wilson is running on "peace with honor, trust very, preparedness." notice the patriotic theme, america first. if you really believe in america, you'll vote for wilson. i,inning with world war the idea of what it means to be an american became a predominant theme that still lasts today. it's something that exploded around the first world war. which by the way, the congress alien and
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sedition act. which was in some ways more krikorian and what had -- more draconian than what john adams had passed. many people were criticized and jailed for criticizing woodrow wilson. for suggesting that america's entry into the war was on right, or that the germans were stronger than they could be. many people were thrown into prison and were kept much longer 1798 andralists did in seeking hundreds. -- the 1800s. taking politics and criminalizing it was something we were doing into the 19 hundreds. the democratic national committee on behalf of wilson put out a lot of political paraphernalia in 1960. --1916.
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much of it was wilson keeping us out of the war. less than six months out of the election, we were in a war. a good example of false advertising. we will see lyndon johnson campaigning against war, particularly nuclear war as a bludgeon again very goldwater.the next year he plunges us even more deeply into the vietnam war. of a piece example from the democratic national committee. one of the first bullet points, "kept you out of war." and here we were net deep in the war just a few months later. radio, andmes canada's are communicating in
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ways they cannot afford. we are talking about mass media. here is herbert hoover running in 1832. teleprompter.rst you won't see this anymore. to not speak from a podium, but on this platform so they could maintain eye contact with their audience. more importantly, when they were being filmed by newsreel cameras, they were looking forward. of television and film did not shape of a candidate campaign until later was not sure. herbert hoover and others were
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talking on radio, new they had cameras on the and wanted to be seen not reading froma text. they wanted to be seen talking directly from people. i play a clip so you could hear his voice. >> i shall carry forward the work of reconstruction. i shall have another four years to see more prosperous peace and american home second in the sunshine of genuine progress and of genuine prosperity. i shall seek to maintain untarnished from the traditions and principles upon which our nation was founded, upon which it has grown. special invite and welcome every man and woman for the preservation of the united states and the happiness of its people. this is my pledge to the nation
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and my pledge to almighty god. [applause] so herbert hoover was not the most scintillating speaker in the world. not only a very good speaker, but a radio.ilizer of this franklin roosevelt talking to a crowd. you will notice in each one of these shots, there is a microphone from one of the radio networks. this speech is going up to the nation. cameraslmed by these using israel's, seen a movie reals,-- using news seeing a movie houses across the country. this was a way that a candidate and not done before.
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>> but to win, to restore america to its own people. >> letter can be no possible misunderstanding. let me read the provisions of the democratic platform at this point. and let me add that it's in plain english. repeal of the 18th amendment. >> when roosevelt gets into the white house -- have you heard the far side chats? he was not sitting by the fireside, he was sitting by a bank of cameras. reading a speech that had been written for him.
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the special gift roosevelt have was that not only was he good at , but theg a speech speeches were written in a conversational way. it was unlike almost any politician that had ever spoken to the public before. ways it reminds me of the way that the american people at the time the american colonies reacted to the publication of thomas payne's "common sense." it was a way of discussing affairs that has ever been done before. they were talking to them on their level. they talked to using conversational language. he said, i will explain this to you, i will tell you why we have these problems.
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people were incredibly persuaded by them to support them. it wasn't a form of conventional advertising. in those days, if the president wanted to give a speech, everyone would drop whatever programming they had. he had an onus audience for these things. -- and enormous audience for these things. in our fragmented media world, you would not get that kind of attention. almost the entire country listened when he spoke. 1948, thery truman in whistle stop traveling around aggressively. a television spot i was never able to find.
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1948, there was a small percentage of the american public that access to televisions. it was just coming online. it was the idea of 10 years ago, i'd have television. -- hi-def television. it was more of a novelty than anything else. until 1952 when eisenhower runs for president that he will have televisions. in four years, it has exploded. tens of millions have access to television. radio was still getting more of the advertising dollars and television. now we will talk about them.
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i want you to notice the extent to which either there is information and only information, or there is an emotional appeal or negative attack on someone. i want you to notice either that or the absence of that as we go through this. an also the sophisticationd of the spot. soe production quality and al the reliance on music and animation. a spot that using is done for eisenhower, i like ike. a kathy june that i think you'll be thinking about all day. for president ♪
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♪ you like ike ♪ i like ike ♪ we will take ike to washington ♪ forverybody likes ike ( president) ♪ >> we'll all going with ike ♪ (for president) ♪ we will take ike to washington ♪ >> now the time for all good americans to come today to the country. that's to come to the aid of
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does anything look familiar to you in that spot? did you see any tactics that we use today? it's a catchy song. there's music to it. repetition. what was repeated? >> ike. professor mann: that's right. and, the donkey and the elephant and which way is the donkey going? he's going away from everybody else and what else about the donkey? adelaid stevenson is symbolically riding the donkey and what's he doing? he's riding in the dark, sort of clueless. if you want to take the country dark, then vote for stevenson and he'll take us the wrong way on a donkey. [laughter] professor mann: what else do you see? >> he says, every good american.
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professor mann: he says at the end, every good american. right. a patriotic appeal. if you're a good american, you'll vote for eisenhower, implying if you vote for stevenson you're not a good american, you're a bad american. and what else? anybody taking a propaganda class here? ok. there's this thing called the bandwagon effect. everybody is doing it. everybody's buying ivory soap. everybody is brushing their teeth with this toothpaste. what's wrong with you? you know? i like ike, everybody likes ike. and literally, almost literally showed all these people marching and why aren't you marching with us? there's something wrong with you. is there anything in that spot that says here's why you should like ike? here's some factual information about him. appeal, so in many ways it sort of presages the emotional appeals we'll see in about 10
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years later in politics. so, the big development, though, in this, the thing where eisenhower was way ahead of his time was the idea of the spot. next few minutes are spots. 15, 20, 30, 60 seconds and in some cases there were 4-minute and, i guess that's not considered a spot anymore. but the idea that these are short spot announcements. they're very short and very brief. and they don't take up a lot of time so you're still able to just put a little spot into regular programming without interrupting the program. but what candidates were doing those days were really into the 1960's were not using that many , spots in many cases. for example, eisenhower's opponent, adelaid stevenson and then the governor of illinois, instead preempting television shows, popular television shows and he would just stand up behind the podium
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and give a speech to the camera. give this 30-minute speech and in many cases it wasn't even timed very well. so he had this great finish and he ran out of time before he could actually conclude the speech. sentence. but stevenson especially, was not comfortable with the idea of selling his candidacy like a bar of soap and he said almost in those words and people working for him said, we think it's degrading to sell our candidacy like a bar of soap. we're not going to succumb to traditional kinds of contemporary kind of advertising. by god, we're going to give the people the speech. we are going to give them the castor oil, whether they like it or not. they're going to take their
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medicine and get a speech and that is how they're going to receive it. he did run a few spots but eisenhower is the one that really did it. these are called eisenhower answers america. they are really the first true spots in american political advertising and they bring records these answers to these questions from people who had been recorded separately from him. notice eisenhower is sitting up and the people asking the questions are looking up at him like he's a dedemagogue. and he is looking down at them in a benevolent way. and eisenhower commanding , general of the allied forces in world war ii, run the war, -- won the war, the most respected man in the world and he's standing there while they're doing some set changes or whatever between these takes and he grumbles to an aide, something like, to think that an old general would come to this. eisenhower felt really humiliated by this experience but he did it anyway and it
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>> eisenhower answers america. >> they say we've never had it so good but i've had to stop buying eggs, they are so expensive. >> you actually pay 100 different taxes on just one egg. we must cut costs, which means we must cut taxes. >> eisenhower answers america. >> general, how would you clean up the mess in washington? >> my answer it's not a one , agency mess, or even a one department mess. it's a top to do tom mess and i promise we'll clean it up from top to bottom. >> eisenhower answers america. >> can you cut taxes, mr. eisenhower? >> we can and will if you help. taxes have gone up steadily for 15 years. the democrats say they must go up still more. help me put the lid on crazy
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government spending. >> eisenhower answers america. >> my children hear so much about government that they think >> i know, too many politicians have sold their ideals of honesty down the potomac. we must bring back integrity and thrift to washington. this we are determined to do. , is the country ready? >> the administration spent many billions for national defense yet today we haven't enough , planes for the fighting in korea. it's time for a change. noticeor mann: ok, so what he is doing here. he's in the hands of this legendary advertising executive named roster reeves who worked d baits ted of the -- te
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agency. anybody here of the unique selling proposition? >> distinguishing yourself from your competitors, or your opponent, what can you promise and that nobody else can. professor mann: that one thing about your product that distinguishes it from other products. and in eisenhower's case, what is the one unique thing that distinguishes mean from so they are simple and don't cover a lot of ground. notice one spot said one thing. he said it very concisely and assembly. he didn't try to make it complicated. the unique selling proposition. borrowed from commercial advertising put into politics. the interesting thing about eisenhower's campaign is that it was sort of a brief flash in the
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early 1950's of using conventional creative advertising principals and principles and politics and a sort of disappeared for over 10 years. people just sort of forgot about doing that or decided they didn't want to do it or it was degrading to do it. one more eisenhower spot and out of the eisenhower spot. now we'll go to stevenson and you'll notice, these are spots, these are not -- this is not the predominant way that he advertised, but look how dreadful these spots are and how ridiculous they are in not only politics, but in comparison to the way that eisenhower advertised his candidacy. ♪ vote stevenson vote stevenson a man you can believe in son from illinois where lincoln came his leadership has won him name
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a soldier man is always bound to think in terms of battleground but stevenson, civilian son, will lead us until the peace is won ♪ professor mann: in some ways that's not so bad. something. number one, that was an attack on eisenhower, wasn't it? he's saying this is a general and he only thinks in terms of the battleground. he's a civilian son. and so it is an attack. it's this woman, you know, this nice woman standing there singing a nice little song, but she's sticking the little stiletto into eisenhower. [laughter] professor mann: and so you will see, if you notice it is still
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something that politicians do, but really in the 1980's and early 1990's if you wanted to attack somebody you got a woman's voice to do it because it didn't sound so, women don't sound as mean, i guess, so you get a woman to do the attack and say it in a nice, sweet voice , even though it is ripping the person apart. and you'll notice in contemporary politics you can put some nice little music under it and make it seem less negative. and politicians do that and stevenson was onto something. this is my all-time favorite right here. >> i'm excited about voting for governor stevenson for president. i think he's a new kind of man he will be a president for all the people. stevenson has told the texans and the people of louisiana and california, that skyland oil belongs if not to them alone,
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but to all of the people of the country. in the south, he made a strong statement -- professor mann: ok. that one is hanging up a bit. but that's just a very sort of rational appeal. here is why -- i am excited for voting. but a very mini speech. characterized the way stevenson campaign, mainly by giving speeches and appealing to people's intellect and not their emotion. and he also had this issue of his name. who is this guy? how do you say his name? ♪ it you don't have to pronounce it, just go out and vote it ♪
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professor mann: that is just for kicks. i'm not really sure what that means. again, here's an interesting negative attack an eisenhower from, the bob in the spot is robert taft, the senator, the republican senator from ohio who was seen as having sort of captured eisenhower. that eisenhower had capitulated to taft in his far sort of considered at the time, far right conservative philosophy to get the nomination. he made an unholy alliance with ♪ >> ike. >> bob. >> ike. >> bob. we must lower taxes, bob. >> yes, ike, we must lower >> but we have to spend more for defense, bob. >> you see, ike, we agree perfectly.
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>> bob. >> ike. >> will bob give ike the additional money for defense after ike cuts taxes? stay tuned for a musical interlude. ♪ >> ♪ rubin, rubin i've been thinking about the general and his mob if you're voting for the general you really are electing bob let's vote for adelaid and john ♪ again, a mann: disguised in a humorous way, using humor to disguise the attack. interesting, basically, saying that eisenhower and suggesting that eisenhower and taft were romantically involved. way ahead of its time. [laughter] ok, we think of kennedy. now we'll jump ahead to 1960.
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the 1956 campaign was a repeat ahead2, so we will jump to kennedy and nixon in 1960. this is where we're going to really look closely at what political advertising in a presidential campaign looked like. we will look at 1964 where i argue it turned dramatically. and then we'll look at 1968 where we'll see the full realization of that turn. and but hold in your mind, we're going to see in 1960 and compare it not only to 1946, but to eight years later when both political parties jumped in completely into the idea of advertising and using spot advertising, using creative , in many cases fear but making emotional , and not rational appeals, the centerpiece of their arguments. kennedy, however, really didn't do that. he sort of, it's almost like he leaned a little bit on
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stevenson's people in the jingle department. ♪ >> kennedy kennedy kennedy kennedy kennedy for peace kennedy, kennedy do you want a man for president who is seasons through and through but not so dog gone season that he won't try something new a man that's old enough to know and young enough to do well it's up to you, it's strictly up to you do you answer a man who answers straight? sneets a man that's always there we will measure him against the others and when you compare you cast your vote for kennedy and the change that's overdue so it's up to you, it's up to you, it's strictly up to you kennedy for me kennedy kennedy kennedy ♪ professor mann: so what do you
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all think of that? somewhat hip for 1960. i understand that was 30 years before you were born but. [laughter] currently a hit for 1960. >> there's the inclusion of african-americans in there which i think is something to note. professor mann: it is, including african-americans, which by the way, and i didn't show you this, eisenhower actually had several african-american nls his eisenhower answers america spot for 1952 was really interesting. , what's interesting to me is how, yeah. i think that in some ways it is sophisticated. and using an emotional appeal. not much of a reasonable, logical argument made although there's some of that. but the production quality is basically, they're using poster
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board. they're pasting stuff on a poster board and taking pictures of it. production of this thing is. put to music but a lot of images which we talked about in this class before how the profusion of images and that's, i think, very comfortable for you to watch. because you're used to seeing a lot of images. and we're used to seeing a lot of images so that spot in that sense paved the way for similar spots in later years. but a lot of what kennedy ran was not nearly as creative. here's an example. we'll look at two examples in a row here. this is senator john kennedy, democratic nominee for the presidency of the united states. one of the problems which concerns me most is our failure to meet the problem of medical care for our older senior some of them are in ill health
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and some are in your family. and yet under present laws before they can receive any , assistance in the payment of their medical bills which may be expensive they must take a , pauper's oath. they must say they are medically indigent. i believe the way to meet this roosevelt met it in the social security act of 1935. i believe people in their working years contribute so when they retire and they each the age of 65 for men or 62 for women, they they can receive assistance in paying their bills. they pay their own way and live in dignity and get protection. this is the sound way. and i can assure you that if we are successful we'll pass this bill next january. all right,ann: here's another kennedy spot that's a little bit more creative, but still, not all that exciting. this is a family.
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recently, john f. kennedy >> they are facing one of the great problems that all american families are now facing, and that is the great increase in the cost of living. >> our rent has gone up. our food, our cleaning of our clothing, buying of the clothing. our gas and electric and telephone bills have gone up. what's been your experience, keeping those two daughters of yours? >> we're concerned with their future. we would like both of them to go to college. >> have you been able to put much aside? >> unfortunately not right now. >> one of the things that i think increased the cost of living has been this administration's reliance on a high interest rate policy. my own judgment is that we're going to have to try to do a better job in this field? . yes, we can do better. but to do so we must elect the man who cares about america's problems. we must elect john f. kennedy president. professor mann: notice the tag line, what was it?
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did you notice? yes we can. , maybe obama stole it from so obama didn't come up with that. so, you know, he was trying. i would give him credit. they were trying to do something somewhat interesting. the republicans were sort of hopelessly stuck in the past of course, the problem that nixon had was that he wanted eisenhower's support and yet eisenhower had said some, if not disparaging things about nixon , he famously said when asked at a press conference, can you name one important decision in your administration that vice president nixon has participated in? and eisenhower said, if you give me a week i think i can come up with something. so, of course, that was like cat nip for the democrats for kennedy and they ran that spot and everything and ridiculing nixon for not being really a
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part of the eisenhower administration. for being shut out, so they force eisenhower to come out and sort of recant and make the point that, yes, nixon has been at my side the whole time and but it is done in a very uncreative way. it's basically a clip of a speech from eisenhower. here is president eisenhower's decision on who is best qualified to follow him in the white house. >> dick nixon is superbly experienced, maturely conditioned in the critical affairs of the world. for 8 years he has been a full participant in the deliberations that have produced the great decisions affecting our nation's security and have kept us at peace. he has shared more intimately in the great affairs of government than any vice president in all our history. he has traveled the world, studying first-hand the hopes and the needs of more than 50
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nations. he knows in person the leaders of those nations. knowledge of immeasurable value to a future president. by all odds, richard nixon is the best qualified man to be the next president of the united states. [applause] >> along with the president, all america is going for nixon. vote for him on november 8. they understand what peace demands. professor mann: ok. just gives these little short speeches sitting on his desk. >> ladies and gentlemen, the vice president of the united states. richard m. nixon. >> i would like to talk to you for a moment about dollars and cents. your dollars and cents. now, my opponents want to increase federal expenditures as much as $18 billion a year. how will they pay for it? there are only two ways. one is to raise your taxes. that hurts everyone. the other is to increase our
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national debt and that means raising your prices, robbing you of your savings, cutting into the value of your insurance, hurting your pocketbook every day at the drugstore, the grocery store, the gas station. is that what you want for america? i say no. i say that's a false doctrine. i say that we can remain the strongest nation on earth only of responsible government. >> vote for nixon and lodge november 8. professor mann: ok. here's another one that's very nixon did a lot of these kind of spots, where he was sitting on the edge of his desk looking into the camera, talking about one issue or another. >> ladies and gentlemen, the vice president of the united states, richard m. nixon. >> i want to talk to you for a moment about civil rights.
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equal rights for all our citizens. why must we vigorously defend them? first, because it is right and just, and second, because we cannot compete successfully with communism if we fail to utilize completely the minds and energies of all of our citizens. and third, the whole world is watching us. when we fail to grant equality to all, that makes news, bad world. now, the record shows there's been more progress in civil rights in the past 8 years than in the preceding 80 years, because this administration has insisted on making progress, and i want to continue and speed up that progress. america for all americans. professor mann: ok. so what i have shown you is a little misleading, because what
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i'm not showing you are the 30-minute speeches that were still very prevalent in american politics. so you've got your favorite show, you like the jack benny show or whatever, you sit down in front of your tv and dang it, you got to listen to richard nixon for 30 minutes, you know. that happened a lot. it happened in 1964. there was a show called "peyton place," a very popular soap opera on television in the 1960's. and one of the reasons that some people believe that peyton place became so popular is that barry goldwater was preempting the shows on the other channels and people, instead of watching goldwater, switched over and discovered oh, this nice show here, i didn't know this existed and they got hooked on it because goldwater was driving viewers away with his 30-minute preemptions. the 1964 race is goldwater still sort of using the old tried and maybe not true methods of advertising and we're going to see lyndon johnson
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revolutionizing american political advertising in a way that i think still characterizes it in a lot of ways today. he did it with the help of this guy right here. his name is bill burnback of the advertising firm ddb -- doyle, dane, burnback, still in business, still producing advertisements for a number of big accounts, budweiser, for example, if you watch budweiser ads on television, this firm what happened is they produced this campaign for volkswagen in 1950's and early 1960's in a way that really revolutionized advertising for automobiles. but also on television, but this is the way that cars were advertised in the 1950's. they were not photographs in most cases.
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they were artist illustrations and they used a term called elongation or the elongateor. they were longer than they really were. they were almost caricatures of real automobiles. and they were, as i said, they were illustrations. burnback said, let's get real and let's use humor, let's be honest about our cars in ways that not only communicate that we are, that we have some honesty, that we're willing to treat our customers or potential customers like adults. but we're willing to be a little bit self-deprecating, willing to be creative, willing to think outside the box in a way that other advertisers hadn't. one of the hallmarks of burnback's approach to advertising was not his complete feeling that research was not
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the end-all and be-all of advertising, that you had to be creative. so what burnback did was he completely revolutionized the way advertising agencies were formed. prior to that, a copywriter would come up with a copy and he would send it to the art director and the artist or whoever would write, would do the ad based on the instructions of the copywriter, but the two would never talk. it would move like an assembly line, it would move through the process. burnback tore down those walls and got all those people in a room and said here, y'all create something. so it might not be the copywriter, might be the artist who came up with the concept and idea of how it might look, but they were working as a team. out of that came some really creative ads and the reason i'm showing you this is that because the volkswagen ads in particular, here's a good example. lemon. who in the world would advertise volkswagen did.
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they said this car was a lemon and we rejected it because we're so wedded to quality. we believe so much in quality that this car didn't make it. the other one was the one i showed you here, think small. our cars are small. think small. using the size, the relative small size of their car as an advantage and sort of making fun of the beatle. here's burnback. i want you to hear what he says and think about, this is a guy who influenced i think as much as anybody the way that we advertise our politics these days or at least in, his role was seminal, i think. the human being is created by nature, really, and there are certain instincts we have which
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dominate. and unless we understand that, if we proceed purely on an intellectual basis, we're not going to get very far. there was a pretty intelligent salesman by the name of aristotle a long time ago that said you don't persuade people through the intellect. you do it through the passions. now, it's up to the man who's doing the persuading to tap those passions for good moral purposes. but certainly that's what does it. i think it was conrad who said you can have all the precise words in the world, just give me words like glory and honor and all the words of emotion and inspiration. professor mann: so burnback famously said there are a lot of advertising, people who can do things just the right way. they talk the best game, they know all the rules, they can tell you people in an ad will get you greater readership, they
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can tell you a sentence should be this short or that long. they can tell you body copy should be broken up for easier, more inviting reading. fact. they are the scientists of advertising. but there's one little rub. advertising is fundamentally persuasion and persuasion happens to be not a science but an art. so this is one of the spots that john kennedy, who was planning on running for reelection in the early 1960's, he saw this and other volkswagen spots on television, was amused by them, and told his people go find me the ad firm that did that, i want them to run my campaign in 1964. this is an example of the kind of creative advertising that ddb brought to advertising automobiles that they would soon bring to advertising candidates. >> have you ever wondered how
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the man who drives a snow plow drives to the snow plow? this one drives a volkswagen. so you can stop wondering. sound] professor mann: ok. so just a little bit of background and we'll look at these johnson spots. so americans, we've got to remember this election was carried out in the shadow of the
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shadow of americans concerned, in dread about nuclear testing and fallout. we all know what that is these days. we know what japanese citizens are thinking about and how it's even affected some of our psyche over here, the fallout. there was a lot of testing, lot of nuclear testing and barry goldwater was against it. goldwater was on record numerous times saying the bomb is just another weapon. we ought to be willing to use it. he ridiculed democrats and others who said, you know, why should we be afraid of using nuclear weapons, we ought not be afraid of a war with the soviet union. he was basically calling those who were arguing against the greater use of, reliance on nuclear weapons as wimps. he published books about it, gave speeches about it. in many ways he was very reckless in his language about it. and there built up in the nation's consciousness not only a great fear of nuclear weapons, nuclear war, war with the soviet union, fallout and the health
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effects of fallout, but also, this idea that the republican candidate wanted to actually use using them, was not concerned that they were a problem in a way that a lot of americans were. this is a large majority of americans in the surveys conducted in the early 1960's told pollsters they would be in some or great danger of not surviving an all-out nuclear war. 83% in 1961 and 89% the next year said they didn't think they would survive a nuclear war. so that's goldwater, who is in some ways not necessarily scaring people at this point, but associating himself with the issue that is scaring people. he wrote about it in his book, "the conscience of a conservative," basically calling americans wimps because they were afraid of war. his quote here, he mocked people who he said believed in appeasement and would rather
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crawl on their knees to moscow then die under an atom bomb. what's wrong with you, you afraid to die under an atom bomb? so how did lyndon johnson and his people exploit that? spots. they came up with the spot that we're about to see which ran one time on the night of december 7, 1964, was seen probably by 100 million people by the end of the week because it aired only one time on television but aired on the local, on the network news but it's seen as the spot that sort of destroyed goldwater. i argue in this book that i've got coming out in october that this spot really didn't destroy goldwater. goldwater had already destroyed himself. this spot did not and i think the polling bears that out. i think the polling proves what i argue. but the spot is sort of seen as the spot that just destroyed goldwater. it's not seen in context which is the first of a number of spots that drove home the idea that if goldwater is elected, he
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will destroy the world. we will have a nuclear war so we will see this barrage of spots that aired for about three or four weeks starting in early september, all aimed at stoking the fears of nuclear war. seven, six, six, eight, nine, nine. >> 10, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two, one. stakes, to make a world in which all of god's children can live or to go into the dark.
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we must either love each other or we must die. >> vote for president johnson on november 3. the stakes are too high for you to stay home. professor mann: alright. the very next week, the very next monday, this is the spot that aired on national >> do you know what people used to do? they used to explode atomic bombs in the air. now, children should have lots of vitamin a and calcium but strontium 90 or cesium. those things come from atomic bombs and are radioactive. they make you die. do you know what people finally did? they got together and signed a nuclear test ban treaty and the radioactive poison started to go away. but now there's a man who wants to be president of the united states and he doesn't like this
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treaty. he fought against it. he even voted against it. he wants to go on testing more bombs. his name is barry goldwater. if he's elected, they might start testing all over again. vote for president johnson on november 3. the stakes are too high for you professor mann: notice in that spot, goldwater was named but nowhere in the first spot was goldwater's picture, image, name, he was not mentioned. that's very interesting from the standpoint of how it tells you that they didn't need to, that that already existed. they didn't need to say this is about goldwater. everybody got it because everybody had been scared, not everybody, but a lot of people in this country had been scared by goldwater's bellicose, belligerent rhetoric about nuclear war. by the way, that little girl is now almost 50-years-old and she will be here at the school in october to do a forum with us
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about my book and so if you're around in october, be sure and come back and meet her. she's all grown up now. [laughter] --fessor mann: >> on october 24, 1963, barry goldwater said of the nuclear bomb, merely another weapon. vote for president johnson. the stakes are too high for you to stay home. professor mann: this one is one that, a variation of it has been recently by hillary clinton campaigning against barack obama. the 3:00 a.m. phone call that some of you may remember seeing in that campaign in 2008. [ring]
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>> this particular phone only rings in a serious crisis. keep it in the hands of a man who has proven himself responsible. vote for president johnson on november 3. professor mann: now, this one to me is in some ways more powerful than the others, because it shows a series of countdowns in russian and in english, >> we will have everyone inside the block house. otherwise you'll have to go down the road. standby. >> in july of 1945, the united states tested the first atomic bomb. 20, 19, 17, 16, 15, 14, 13, 12, 11, 10, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two,
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one. [explosion] >> in september of 1949, the soviet union tested its first atomic bomb. [counting in russian] >> 12, 11, 10, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, zero. [explosion] 12, 11, 10, nine, eight,
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two, one, zero. [explosion] down in russian] [explosion] >> seven, six, five, four, three, two, one, zero. [explosion] [counting down in russian] [explosion] >> three, two, one, zero. [explosion] >> 18 years ago, the event of nuclear weapons changed the course of the world as well as the war. since that time, all mankind has been struggling to escape from the darkening prospect of mass
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yesterday, a shaft of light cut into the darkness. negotiations were concluded in moscow on a treaty to ban all nuclear tests in the atmosphere. professor mann: ok. that's not very subtle, is it? that's pretty powerful stuff. that ran throughout that month and it solidified i think the fear that people had and one author described it as sort of using a blanket to smother goldwater, just a mattress to smother goldwater with. but it wasn't the only thing that they used. i will show you one more spot before we move on to 1968 and look at how things radically changed in just 4 years. goldwater and another fairly, another statement that he made during the campaign.
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on at least seven occasions, senator barry goldwater said that he would change the present social security system but even , his running mate, william miller, admits that senator goldwater's voluntary plan would destroy your social security. >> president johnson is working to strengthen social security. vote for him on november 3. professor mann: there were people who said they swore they saw goldwater rip a social security card on television. goldwater's hands. people thought that was him. alright. let's look at what happened, we don't have time to look at all of the spots from that period, but i want you to see the spots that nixon and a few of the spots that nixon and humphrey in 1968 and you'll see the change. you will see now everybody is , all in, all in about doing
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creative advertising principles and emotional appeals by and large. this is first nixon attacking ♪
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professor mann: needless to say, that spot offended the democrats a lot because it implied that humphrey was somehow laughing and making fun of poverty and ♪ >> it is time for an honest look at the problem of order in the united states. dissent is a necessary ingredient of change but in the system of government that provides for peaceful change, there is no cause that justifies resort to violence. let us recognize that the first civil right of every american is to be free from domestic violence. so i pledge to you, we shall
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professor mann: ok. now i want to look at a couple of humphrey spots, then we'll be done. >> ever notice what happens to blow? last year, he said, i oppose a federal open housing law. this year, he said i support the 1968 civil rights bill with open housing. again this year he said, i just supported it to get it out of sight. which way will he blow next? on november 5, vote for hubert humphrey. professor mann: here's one that's making fun of nixon's vice presidential candidate, spiro agnew, who went to prison later. [laughter] [laughter]
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professor mann: finally, here's a spot that was produced by the same guy who was involved in one of the people involved in the first one we saw, also relying on the people's fear of nuclear war. >> do you want castro to have the bomb now? [explosion] >> do you want any country that doesn't have the bomb to be able to get it? of course you don't. where does richard nixon stand on the u.n. treaty to stop the spread of nuclear weapons? he says he's in no hurry to pass it. hubert humphrey wants to stop the spread of nuclear weapons now, before it mushrooms.
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hubert humphrey supports the u.n. treaty now, as do the 80 countries who have already signed it. bomb now. humphrey. there is no alternative. paid for by citizens for professor mann: i hope you see the change. and we're going to look a little next time we meet, we'll spend a few more minutes looking at some of these other spots from 1968 and also two or three from elections thereafter. and look at a little bit about how emotion was used in politics and how it still is, and these 1968 i think64 and are great examples of how advertisers begin to figure out that it was not rational appeals that were, -- that worked, but
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emotional particulars and particularly fear which is still i think the most powerful force in american politics and perhaps politics anywhere. so that's all we have for today. i have -- you're welcome to go assignments for you. i haven't graded your assignments that you turned in last time but i have a few that are still left over. so -- johnson. sitting anymore. here you go. erin. join us every saturday evening at 8:00 p.m. and midnight eastern as we join college classrooms to hear lectures on topics from the american revolution to 9/11. they are also available as podcasts. visit our website or download
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them from itunes. ♪ >> 100 years ago, president woodrow wilson signed a bill creating the national parks service and on thursday we look back at the past century of the caretakers of the treasures. beginning at 10:00 eastern we take it to the national parks across the country, as recorded by c-span. at 7:00 p.m. eastern we are live from the national parks service most visited home, the robert e lee memorial at washington national sedentary -- cemetery. join us as we talk to the former national parks director and is the former arlington house manager that will oversee the upcoming restoration of the mansion, the headquarters and grounds. thursday, the 100 anniversary of
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the national parks service. life at -- live at 7:00 eastern. next on american history tv, discusses foreign policy of george h.w. bush. he is the director of the southern university center for presidential history. it was part of oregon state universities granted strategy conference. -- grand strategy conference. begin by: let me talking about the strategies. we talked about kissinger and john quincy adams. all the talk about a strategist we've not invoked and that is donald trump. in order to say that one of the interesting things about granted strategy is the way in which it strikes me that our discussions


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