tv Theresa May Lays Out Two- Year Brexit Transition Plan CSPAN September 27, 2017 1:05pm-1:55pm EDT
standing hoar and without lament ton and those who built this country, it's very probably few of the rest of us would be here either. british prime minister theresa may recently outlined her plan for the uk pulling out of the european union. after her speech in florence, italy, prime minister may took a few questions from reporters in the audience about brexit. this is 45 minutes. >> it's good to be here in this great city of florence today at a crit couple time in the evolution of the relationship between the united kingdom and the european union. it was here more than anywhere else the renaissance began a period of history that inspired centuries of creativity and critical thought across our couldn't innocent and which in many ways defined what it meant to be european. a period of history whose
example shaped the modern world. a period of history that teaches us that when we come together in a spirit of ambition and innovation we have it within ourselves to do great things. that shows us if we open our minds to new thinking and new possibilities, we can forge a better, brighter future for all our peoples. and that is what i want to focus on today. for we are moving through a new and critical period in the history of the united kingdom's relationship with the european union. the british people have decided to leave the eu. and to be a global free trading nation able to chart our own way in the world. for many, this is an exciting time, full of promise. for others, it is a worrying one. i look ahead with optimism.
believing that if we use this moment to change not just our relationship with europe but also the way we do things at home, this will be a defining moment in the history of our nation. and it is an exciting time for many in europe, too. the european union is beginning a new chapter in the story of its development. just last week president younger set out his ambitions for the future of the european union. there is a vibrant going on about the shape of the eu's institutions and the direction of the union in the years ahead. we don't want to stand in the way of that. indeed, we want to be your strongest friend and partner, as the eu and the uk thrive side by side. and that partnership is important. for as we look ahead we she shared challenges and
opportunities in common. here in italy today our two countries are working together to tackle some of the greatest challenges of our time, challenges where all too often geography has put italy on the front line. as i speak, britain's royal navy, national crime agency, and force are working alongside their italian partners to save lives in the mediterranean and crack down on the evil traffickers who are exploiting desperate men, women, and children who seek a better life. our two countries are also working to the in the fight against terrorism. from our positions a the forefront of the international coalition against die herb to our work to disrupt the networks terrorist groups use to finance their operations and recruit to their ranks. and earlier this week i was delighted that prime minister
gentiloni was able to join president ma krone and myself in convening the first-ever u.n. such summit of government and industry to move further and faster to prevent terrorists use of the internet. mass migration and terrorism are but what examples of the challenges to our shared european interests and values that we can only solve in partnership. the weakening growth of global trade, the loss of popular support for the forces of liberalism and free trade that is driving moves towards protectionism. the threat of climate change, depleting and degrading the planth we leave for future generations. and moet recently, the outrageous proliferation of nuclear weapons by north korea with a threat to use them. here on our own continent, we see territorial aggression to the east. and from the south, threats from
instability and civil war. terrorism, crime, and other challenges which respect no borde borders. the only way for us to respond to this vast array of challenges is for like minded nations and peoples to come together and defend the international order that we have worked so hard to create. and the values of liberty, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law by which we stand. britain has always and will always stand with its friends and allies in defense of these values. our decision to leave the european union is in no way a repudiation of this long-standing condominium. we may be leaving the european union, but we are not leaving europe. our resolve to draw on the full weight of our military, intelligence, diplomatic, and
development resources, to lead international action with our partners on the issues that affect the security and prosperity of our peoples is unchanged. our commitment to the defense and indeed the advance of our shared values is undimmed. our determination to defend the stability, security, and prosperity of our european neighbors and friends remains steadfast. and we will do all this as a sovereign nation in which the british people are in control. their decision to leave the institution of the european union was an expression of that desire, a statement about how they want their democracy to work. they want more direct control of decisions that affect their daily lives. and that means those decisions being made in britain by people directly accountable to them.
the strength of feeling that the british people have about this need for control, and the direct accountability of their politicians is one reason why flout its membership the united kingdom has never totally felt at home being in the european union. and perhaps because of our history and geography, the european union never felt to us lying an integral part of our national story in the way it does to so many elsewhere in europe. it is a matter of choices. the profound pooling of sovereignty that is a crucial feature of the european union permits unprecedentedly deep cooperation which brings benefits, but it also means that when countries are in the minority, they must sometimes accept decisions they do not want, even affecting domestic matters with no marked implications beyond their borders of and when such decisions are taken, they can be very hard to change.
so the british electorate made a choice. they chose the power of domestic democratic control over pooling that control, strengthening the role of the uk parliament and the devolved scottish parliament, welsh and northern ireland assemblies in deciding our laws. that is our choice. it does not mean that we are no longer a proud member of the family of european nations, and it does not mean we are turning our back on europe, or worse, that we do not wish europe -- the eu to succeed. the success of the eu is profoundly in our national interest, and that of the wider world. but having made this choice, the question now is whether we the leaders of britain and of the eu's member states and institutions can demonstrate that creativity, that innovation, that ambition that we need to shape a new partnership to the betterment of all our people.
i believe we must, and i believe we can. for while the uk's departure from the eu is inevitably a difficult process, it is 234 all of our interests for our negotiations to succeed. if we were to fail or be divided the only beneficiaries would be those who reject our values and oppose our interests. so i believe that we share a profound sense of responsibility to make this change work smoothly and sensibly, not just for people today, but for the next generation, who will inherit the world we leave them. the eyes of the world are on us. but if we can be imaginative and creative about the way we establish this new relationship, if we can proceed on the basis of trust in each other, i believe we can be optimistic about the future we can build for the united kingdom and for the european union.
in my speech at lancaster house earlier this year i is the out the uk's negotiating objectives. those still stand today. since that speech and the triggering of article 50 in march, the uk has published 14 papers to address the current issues in the talks and set out the building blocks of the relationship we would like to see with the eu both as we leave and into the future. we have now conducted three rounds of negotiations. while at times those negotiations have been tough, it's clear that thank to the professionalism and diligence of david davis and michele barnier, they have made concrete progress on many important issues. for example, we have recognized from the outset there are unique issues to consider when it comes to northern ireland. the uk government, the irish government, and the eu as a whole have been clear that through the process of our
withdrawal we will protect progress made in northern ireland over the recent years and the lives and livelihoods that depend on this progress. as part of this, we and the eu have committed to protecting the belfast agreement and the common travel area. and looking ahead we have both stated explicitly that we will not accept any physical infrastructure at the border. we owe it to the people of northern ireland. and indeed to everyone on the island of ireland to see through these commitments. we have also made significant progress on how we look after european nationals living in the uk and british nationals living in the 27 member states of the eu. i know that this whole process has been a cause of great worry and anxiety for them and their loved ones, but i want to repeat to the 600,000 italians in the uk and indeed to all eu citizens who have made their lives in our country that we want you to stay. we value you. and we thank you for your
contribution to our national life. and it has been and remains one of my first goals in this negotiation, to ensure that you can carry on living your lives as before. i'm clear that the guarantee i am giving on your rights is real. and i doubt anyone with real experience in the uk would doubt the independence of our cause or with the rigor with which they will uphold people's legal rights. but i know there are concerns that over time the rights of eu citizens in the uk and uk citizens over seas will diverge. and i want to up corp. rate our agreement fully into uk law and make sure the uk courts can refer directly to it. and when there is uncertain around underlying eu law i want the uk courts to be able to take into account the judgments of the european court of justice with a view to ensuring consistent interpretation.
and on this basis, i hope our teams can reach firm agreement quickly. at the moment, the negotiations are focused on the arrangements for the uk's withdrawal from the eu. but we need to move on to talk about our future relationship. of course we recognize that we can leave the eu and have everything stay the same. life for us will be different. but what we do want and what we hope that you our european friends want, too, is to stay as partners who carry on working to the for your mutual benefit. in short, we want to work hand in hand with the european union rather than as part of the european union. that is why in my speech at lancaster house i said that the united kingdom would seek to secure a new, deep, and special partnership with the european union. and this should span both a new economic relationship and a new
relationship on security. so let me set out what each of these relationships could will be like before turning to the question of how we get there. let me start with the economic partnership. united kingdom is leaving the european union. we will no longer be members of its single market or its custo s s union. for me understand that the free markets are indivisible for our european friends. we recognize that the single market is built on a balance of rights and obligations. and we do not pretend that you can have all the benefits of membership at the single margaret without its obligations. our task is to find a new framework that allows for a close economic partnership but holds those rights and obligations in a new and different balance. but as we work out together how to do so, we don't start with a blank sheet of paper like other external partners negotiating a free trade deal from scratch
have done. in fact, we start from an unprecedented position, for we have the same rules and regulations as the eu and our eu withdrawal bill will ensure they are carried over into our domestic law at the moment we leave the eu. so the question for us now in building a new economic partnership is not how we bring our rules and regulations closer together, but what we do when one of us wants to make changes. now one way of approaching this question is to put forward a stark and unimaginative choice between two models. either something based on european economic area membership or a traditional free trade agreement such as that the eu recently negotiated with canada. i don't believe either of these options would be best for the uk or best for the european union. european economic area membership would mean the uk having to adopt at home
automatically and in their entirety new eu rules, rules over which in the future we will have little influence and no vote. such a loss of democratic control could not work for the british people. i fear it would inevitably lead to friction, and then a damaging reopening of the nature of our relationship in the near future, the very last thing that anyone on either side of the channel wants. as for a canadian-style free trade agreement, we should recognize that this is the most advanced free trade agreement the eu has yet concluded and a breakthrough in trade between canada and the eu. but compared with what exists between britain and the eu today it would nevertheless represent such a restriction on our mutual market access that it would benefit neither of our economies. not only that, it would start from the false premise that there is no preexisting regulatory relationship between us. and precedent suggests that it could take years to negotiate.
we can do so much better than this. as i said at lap caster house, let us not seek merely to adopt a model enjoyed by other cups. instead, let us be creative as well as practical in designing an ambitious economic partnership which respects the freedoms and principles of the eu and the wishes of the british people. and i believe there are good reasons for this level of optimism and ambition. first of all, the uk is the eu's largest trading partner, one of the largest economies in the world, and a market of considerable importance for many businesses and jobs across the continent. and the eu is our largest trading partner. so it is in all our interests to find a creative solution. and the eu has shown in the past that creative arrangements can be agreed in other areas.
for example, it developed a diverse arrangements with countries outside the eu. both in economic and justice and affairs. furthermore, we share the same set of fundamental beliefs, a belief in free trade, rigorous and fair competition, strong consumer rights, and that trying to beat other country's industries but unfairly subsidizing one's own is a serious mistake. so there is no need to impose tariffs where we have one now and i don't think anyone sensible is contemplating this. as i is the out in a future partnership paper when it comes to trading goods we will do everything we can to avoid frick at border. but of course the regulatory issues are crucial. we share a commitment to high regulatory standards. people in britain do not want shoddy goods, shoddy services, a poor environment or exploit
tative working practices. i can never imagine them thinking those things to be acceptable. the government i lead is committed not only to protecting high standards but strengthening them. i'm optimistic about what we can achieve by finding a creative solution to a new economic relationship that can support prosperity for all our peoples. now, in any trading relationship both sides have to agree on a set of rules which govern how each side behaves. so we will need to discuss with our european partners new ways of managing our interdependence and our difference in the context of our shared values. there will be areas of policy and regulation which are outside the scope of or trade and economic relations where they should be straightforward. there will be areas which do affect our economic relations where we and our european friend may have different goals or where we show the same goals but want the achoov them through different means and there will be areas where we want to achieve the same goals in the
same ways because it makes sense for our economies. and because rights and obligations must be held in balance the decisions we both take would have consequences for the uk's access to european markets and vice versa. to make this partnership work, and as disagreements inevitably arise we will need a strong and appropriate dispute resolution mechanism. it is of course vital that any agreement reached its specific terms and the principles on which it is based are interpreted in the same way by the frooun and by the united kingdom and we want to discuss how we do that. this could not mean the european court of justice or indeed uk courts being the arbiter of disputes about the implementation of the agreement between the uk and the eu, however. it wouldn't be right for one party's court to have jurisdiction over the other. but i am confident we can find an appropriate mechanism for resolving disputes. so this new economic partnership
would be comprehensive and ambitious. it would be underpinned by high standards and a practical approach to regulation that enables us to continue to work together in bringing shared prosperity to our peoples for generations to come. let me turn to the new security relationship that we want to see. to keep our people safe and to secure our values and interests, i believe it is essential that although the uk is leaving the eu, the quality of our cooperation on security is -- we believe we should be as open minded as possible about how we continue to work together on what can be life and death matters. our security cooperation is not just vital because our people face the same threats. but also because we share a deep historic belief in the same values, the values of peace, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
of course, there is no preexisting model for cooperation between the eu and external partners which replicates the full scale and depth of the collaboration that currently exists between the eu and the uk on security, law enforcement, and criminal justice. but as the threats we face evolve faster than ever, i believe it is vital that we work together to design new dynamic arrangements that go beyond the existing arrangements that the eu has in this area and draw on the legal models the eu has previously used to structure cooperation with external partners in other fields such as trade. so we are proposing a bold new strategic agreement that provides a comprehensive framework for future security, law enforcement, and criminal justice cooperation a treaty between the uk and the eu.
this would complement the extensive and mature bilateral relationships we already have with european friends to promote our common security. our ambition to be to build a model that is underpinned by our shared principles including high standards of data protection and human rights of the it will be kept sufficiently versatile and dynamic to respond to the ever-evolving threats that we face. and it would create an ongoing dialogue in which law enforcement and criminal justice priorities can be shared and where appropriate tackled joint leemt we are also proposing a far-reaching partnership on how we protect europe together from the threats we face in the world today, how we work together to promote our shared values and interests abroad, whether security, spreading the rule of law, dealing with emerging threats, handling the migration crisis, or helping countries out of poverty. the united kingdom has
outstanding capabilities. we have the biggest defense budget in europe and one of the largest development budgets in the world. we have a far-reaching diplomatic network, and world-class security, intelligence, and law enforcement services. so what we are offering will be unprecedented in its breadth taking on cooperation in diplomacy and defense and security and development, and it will be unprecedented in its depth in terms of the degree of engagement that we would aim to deliver. it is our ambition to work as closely as possible together with the eu protecting our people, promoting our values, and ensuring the future security of our continent. the united kingdom is unconditionally committed to maintaining europe's security, and the uk will continue to offer aid and assistance to eu member states that are the victims of armed aggression, terrorism, and natural or man
made disasters. taken as a whole, this bold new security partnership will not only reflect our history and the practical benefits of cooperation in tackling shared threats but also demonstrate the uk's genuine commitment to promoting our shared values across the world and to maintaining a secure and prosperous europe. that is the partnership i want britain and the european union to have in the future. none of its goals should be controversial. everything i have said is about creating a long-term relationship through which the nations of the european union and the united kingdom can work together for the mutual benefit of all our people. if we adopt this vision of a deep and special partnership, the question is then how we get there. how we build a bridge from where we are now to where we want to be. the united kingdom will cease to be a member of the european union on the 29ths of march,
2019. we will no longer sit at the european council table or in the council of ministers and we will no longer have members of the european parliament. our relations with countries outside the eu can be developed in new ways including through our own trade negotiations because we will no longer be an eu country and we will no longer directly benefit from the eu's future trade negotiations. but the fact is that at that point neither the uk nor the eu and its member states will be in a position to implement smoothly many of the detailed arrangements that will underpin the new relationship we seek. neither is the eu legally able to conclude an agreement with the uk as an external partner while it is it steph still part of the european union. and such an aeen the future partnership will require the appropriate legal at fix which would take time. it's also the case that people and businesses both in the uk and in the eu would benefit from
a period to adjust to the new arrangements in a smooth and orderly way. as i said in my speech at lancaster house, a period of implementation would be in our mutual interest. and that is why i'm proposing that there should be such a period after the uk leaves the eu. clearly, people, businesses and public services should only have -- so during the implementation period access to one another's markets would continue on current term and brent should also continue to take part in existing security measures. and i know businesses in particular would welcome the certainty this would provide. the framework for this strictly time limited period which can be agreed under article 50 would be the existing structure of eu rules and regulations. how long the period is should be determined simply by how long it
will take to from and implement the new processes and new systems that will underpin that future partnership. for example, it will take time to put in place the new immigration system required to retake control of the uk's borders. so during the implementation period people will continue to be able to come and live and work in the uk, but there will be a registration system, an essential preparation for the new regime. as of today, these considerations point to an implementation period of around two years. but because i don't believe that either the eu or the british people will want the uk to stay longer in the existing structures than is necessary we could also agree to bring forward aspect of that future frame ork such as new dispute resolution mechanisms more quickly if this can be done smooth loo. it is clear that what would be most helpful to people and businesses on both sides who
want this process to be smooth and orderly is for us to agree to the detailed arrangements for this implementation period as early as possible. although we recognize that the eu institutions will need to adopt a formal position. and at the heart of these arrangements there should be a clear double lock, a guarantee that from will be a period of implementation giving businesses people alike the certainty that they will be able to prepare for the change and a guarantee that this implementation period will be time limited, giving everyone the certainty that this will not go on forever. these arrangements will create valuable certainty. but in this context i'm conscious that our departure causes another type of uncertainty for the remaining member states and their taxpayers over the eu budget. some of the claims made on this issue are exaggerated and unhelpful and we can only
resolve this as part of the settlement of all the issues i have been talking about today. still, i do not want our partners to fear that they will need to pay more or receive less over the remainder of the current budget plan as a result of our decision to leave. the uk will honor commitments we have made during the period of our membership. and as we move forward, we will also want to continue working to the in ways that promote the long term economic development of our continent. this includes continuing to take part in those specific policies and programs which are greatly to the uk and the ue's joint advantage. such as those that promote science, education, and culture, and those that promote our mutual security. and as i set out in my speech at lancaster house in doing so we will want to make an ongoing contribution to cover our fair share of thecos involved.
-- the costs involved. when i gave my speech at the beginning of this year i spoke not just about preparations we were making for a successful negotiation, but also about our preparations for our life outside the european union. with or without what i hope will be a successful deal. and the necessary work continues on all these fronts so that we are able to meet any eventual outcome. but as we meet here today, in this city of creativity and rebirth, let us open our minds to the possible, to a new era of cooperation and partnership between the united kingdom and the european union, and to a stronger, fairer, more prosperous future for us all. for that is the prize if we get this negotiation right. a sovereign united kingdom and a confident european union, both free to chart their own course,
a new partnership of values and interests, a new alliance that can stand strongly together in the world. that is the goal towards custom we must work in the months ahead as the relationship between britain and europe evolves. however it does so, i am clear that britain's future is bright. our fundamentals are strong. our legal system respected around the world. our keen openness to foreign investment, and enthusiasm for innovation, an ease of doing business. some of the best universities and researchers you can find anywhere. an exceptional national talent for creativity. and an indomitable spirit. it is our fundamental strengths that really determine a country's success. and that is why britain's economy will always be strong. there are other reasons why our future should give us confidence. we will always be a champion of economic openness. we will always be a country whose pitch to the world is high standards at home.
when we differ from the eu in our regulatory choices it won't be to try and attain an unfair competitive advantage. it will be because we want rules that are right for britain's particular situation. the best way for us both to succeed is to fulfill the potential of the partnership i have set out today. for we should be in no doubt that if our collective endeavors in these negotiations were to prove insufficient to reach an agreement it would be a failure in the eyes of history and a damaging blow to the future of our continent. indeed i believe the difference between where we would all be if we fail and where we could be if we can achieve the kind of new partnership i have set out today, to be so great that it is beholden on all of us involved to demonstrate the leadership and flexibility needed to ensure that we succeed. yes, the negotiations to get there will be difficult. but if we approach them in the
right way, respectful of the challenges for both sides, and pragmatic about resolving them, we can find a way forward that makes a success of this for all our peoples. i recognize this is not something that you, our european partners, wanted to do. it is a distraction from what you want to get on with. but we have to get this right. and we both want to get this done as swiftly as possible. so it is up to leaders to set the tone. and the tone i want to set is one of partnership and friendship, a tone of trust, the cornerstone of any relationship. for if we get the spirit of this negotiation right, if we get the spirit of this partnership right, then at the end of this process we will find that we are able to resolve the issues where we disagree respectfully and quickly. and if we can do that, then when
this chapter of our european history is written it will be remembered not for the differences we faced but for the vision we showed, not for the challenges we endured, but for the creativity we used to overcome them, not for a relationship that ended, but a new partnership that began, a partnership of interests, a partnership of values, a partnership of ambition for a shared future, the uk and the eu, side by side, delivering prosperity and opportunity for all our people. this is the future within our grasp. so together let us seize it. thank you. [ applause ]
thank you. there is an opportunity for some questions from the media. i will go first to moniya. >> as you said the 600,000 italians live and work in the uk. you said you want them to remain. how? what is going to change for them? i guess something is going to change. >> we set out for those eu citizens currently living in the united kingdom who have made the uk their home including those 600,000 italians who are in the united kingdom we want them to be able to stay and to have the same rights as they have at the moment. and we have negotiating this with the european union because of course as a british prime minister i want uk nationals living here in italy and elsewhere in the european union
to be able to have -- maintain their rights, too. we are very close to ensuring that we have that agreement. and i have set out today what i hope is a reassurance that those italian citizens living in the united kingdom as we move ahead will know that it is our legal system that will guarantee those rights into the future. i think that's what people want to know, from my point of view, i value the contribution that italian citizens have made in the united kingdom. i have quite a few italian stips living in my own constituency and playing a very real in our socioeconomic life there, and i want to ensure that those italian citizens who are in the uk at the moment know that we want you to say, we value our contribution and what i'm asking for today is a guarantee of your rights for the future. thank you. laura. >> thank you, prime minister. laura from bbc news. what do you say to voters at
home who chose to leave who might be angry to hear the immigration rules will be roughly the same for another few years, market will be roughly the same another few years, the european courts will still have a role for another few years, potentially until 2021, five years after the referendum? are they justified in being a bit cross about that? if i may, in your view is no dool still better than a bad deal? >> yes on that last pony we continue to believe that but the important thing is what i have done today is set out an entire speech which is about what a great deal we can of of the future partnership between the uk and the european union if we approach this with ambition and creativity. i have set out how we can do that today. and achieve a deal that i believe is in the best interests. not just of uk citizens, but of people living across the remaining 27 states within the -- what will be the remaining european union.
on the issue of immigration that you have set out, people voted to leave the eu, and at the ends of march 2019 we will leave the european union. but i think people also voted to ensure that that process of leaving could be orderly and smooth so that people had confidence in their future and businesses had confidence in their future, too. and that's what i have set out today, an implementation period which provides for that smooth and orderly withdrawal. there will be a difference during that period because we will be asking eu citizens who come to the uk, they will be able to do so but we will be asking them to register. and that's an important building block towards the full set of immigration rules that will be in when the new agreement, when the new partnership is in place and when we take full control of our borders. so that's an important stage in us taking full control of our borders. fizal? >> prime minister, on the implementation transition phase, do you -- you said that we would
still be under eu regulations and laws. do you rule out being a member of the european economic area during that period? and indeed on the final status deal, you outlined a kind of spectrum between canada and norway. it seems to me you were leaning -- you weren't splitting the difference you were leaning closer to norway and perhaps the chancellor than canada and the foreign secretary. is that a correct reading of the situation? >> no, look. this is one of the things i would say to you, is that i suggest that you start thinking not just about norway and canada but actually about the fact that the uk is in a completely different relationship with eu from either of those countries when they started nerpting their relationship with the eu. and that gives us a opportunity to create a partnership that is completely different from either of those. what we are talking about during the implementation period is a practical, a period of time for the practical changes that are
necessary to put in place the full new partnership. and of course you can't do those practical changes until you know what the partnership is. and the negotiations of course we will leave at the ends of march 2019, the negotiations will be continuing potentially up close to that time. let's think creativee, let's be ambitious about what we can achieve as i said we start from an unprecedented position in terms of our current relationship with the eu. we are a member. we are coming out but that enables us to build a different sort of partnership for the future. james? >> prime minister, your strategy since lancaster house seems to be lay out positions and then concede to what europe will agree to it happened on the sequencing of talks. it's happening today on money, and it's happening on their requirements for a transition period. can you pointed to a single concession from eu that your
negotiating strategy has won for you? >> well, i can say that during the -- yes, during the negotiations we have got at the moment there are a number of issues where we have set a position, they put forward to the eu and we now have agreement on a variety of issues that we are looking at. i challenge the picture that you have actually set out, james. what the united kingdom has done throughout this process is actually set out our ambition, our negotiating principles. and if you look, i set them out in lancaster house, and into the article 50 letter, and actually the negotiating guidelines that came back from the european union to a great extent mirrored the issues we had raised with them in the first place as key issues that we needed to look at during this relationship. this is a negotiation. there will be during that process sides put out their positions discuss those positions and come to an agreement. what i'm doing today is saying that here's an opportunity for both of us, uk and the eu to
come to agree to a new partnership, a partnership that hasn't been in place with anybody else in the past because of the reasons i have just set out to fizal. but can be one that will really show a great future both for the eu and for the uk for our future prosperity for people not just in the uk but in the european union as well. did i see jason here? yes, jason? >> jason daily mail. what would you say to those people who voted last year to leave and who think really we should have left already, we should turn off the direct debit, we should stop free movement straight away and tell the european judges to get lost. they have a right to feel a little bit detrayed today haven't they? >> no, what the government is doing is ensuring we deliver on what the people voted to leave wanted which is leaving the
european union. but we are going to ensure that we do that in a way that has as little disruption to our economy and to people's lives as possible. we need do that in a smooth and orderly way. what we are very clear about is that the implementation period will be time limited and crucially that we will leave the european union in march 2019. that's what the process of withdrawal allows for and that is what is going to happen. tom? >> thank you prime minister. from the sun. on your section on security you said right at the end there that the uk is unconditionally committed to securing europe's security. that therefore means you will cooperate millitary, security wise, intelligence wise, with or without a deal. therefore what you say to people who might just accuse you of having thrown away britain's best cards in this negotiation? >> what i say is look the negotiations around security and
criminal matters on justice and hom affairs matters is important to allel of us. we do face significant challenges, particularly in relation to the security issues, but we have seen over time and particularly when i was home secretary, how that cooperation with our european partners is good for us and good for them. so i think what members of the public would say to us is we want you as the government to ensure that we can continue a partnership. a cooperation that is helping in terms of keeping us safe in the u.k. but also across the rest of europe. i think that's what people want us to do and that's what we will the be doing. george. >> thank you. george at the financial times. wishful thinking obviously. prime minister can i ask you two specific questions. first is during the implementation phase you described, would britain be subject to new laws and
regulations passed by brussels while we don't have a say in the making of those laws? and you were setting us on the idea being quite close to the market. would britain be able to pay access to that single market? >> what i -- as i said during the implementation period, we would -- this is because it's in the interest of individuals in businesses to be able to have a period of time when they can make the adjustment to the new relationship, make the changes necessary be it i.t. systems or whatever but know the basis which they're going to be operating during that period. of course, the details would have to be part of the negotiation. what i've set out is a principle in relation to that. and i think that's important. i think it's important in the interests as i say it's not just businesses but individuals as well so people know where they
stand. george, the withdrawal bill we're putting through parliament at the moment it brings the law into u.k. law to ensure we have that smooth process of withdraw and the people know at the point of which we leave, they know the basis on which they're able to operate. a final question. representative here? >> yes. mrs. prime minister do you now expect from brussels and from berlin? after this speech? >> well, what i would hope the people in brussels, berlin and across the european union would see is this is the united kingdom setting out the opportunity for us to work together, to negotiate what would be a strong partnership. i've used the term deep and special partnership that will ensure prosperity of the eu and united kingdom in the future.
i hope people will feel and will respond to it in a tone and a way of partnership and a friendship because that is what the u.k. is offering and i think it's important not just for the u.k. but i think for the whole of the european union. the eu, the remaining 27 will be considering what their future is and what that should be. we want the eu to continue to be strong. it is in our national interest for the eu to continue to be successful. what i've set out is a way we can go forward together. making its own decisions but a strong and successful european union working, too. thank you. [ applause ] the president will outline his tax reform plan later today.
but before then congressional democrats will be talking about tax reform legislation. live coverage at 2:00 eastern and president trump in indianapolis to roll out the republican plan to cut taxes for individuals and corporations, simplify the tax system and increase the standard deduction used by most americans. live coverage starts at 3:20 p.m. eastern here on cspan3 or online or on the radio app. >> president trump is now on his way to indiana where he'll give a speech about the $5 trillion republican tax reform plan. it would cut taxes for corporations and for individuals. simplify the tax system and nearly double the standard deduction used by most americans. before leaving president trump released this video.