tv House Democrats News Conference Reading of Mueller Report CSPAN May 16, 2019 1:39pm-3:39pm EDT
entities. gru officers, for example, targeted state and local databases of registered voters using a technique known as sol injection by which malicious code was sent to the state or local website in order to run commands such as exfiltrating the database contents. in one instance in approximately june of 2016, the gru compromised a computer network of the illinois state board of elections by exploiting a vulnerability in the sboe's website. the gru then gained access to a database containing information on millions of registered illinois voters and extracted data related to thousands of u.s. voters before the malicious activity was identified.
gru officers investigated technique scanned state and local websites for vulnerabilities. for example, over a two-day period in july 2016, gru redacted investigative technique for vulnerabilities on websites of more than two dozen states. it perceives that during the footnotes of investigative technique, investigative technique, investigative technique, similar redacted for vulnerabilities continued through the election. unit 74455 also sent emails to public officials involved in the administration and personnel of companies involved in voting technology. in august of 2016, gru officers targeted employees of redacted, a voting technology company that
developed software used by numerous u.s. counties to manage voter rolls and install malware on the company network. similarly in 2016, they spent spearfishing email to 20,000 accounts responsible for administering the 2016 elections. these spearfishing emails contained a document coded with malicious software commonly known or referred to as a trojan that permitted the gru to access the infected computer. the fbi was separately responsible for this investigation. we understand the fbi believes that this operation enabled the gru to gain access to the network of at least one florida county government. the office did not independently
verify that belief, and as explained above, did not undertake the investigative steps that would have been necessary to do so. d, trump campaign and the dis m dissemination of hacked materials. the trump campaign showed interest in hacked materials throughout the summer and fall of 2016. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. background 1 and then a background and then harm to investigative matter. b, contacts with the campaign about wikileaks. redacted, harm to ongoing matters. on june 12, 2016, assange claimed in a televised interview to have emails related to hillary clinton which are pending publication but provided no additional content.
and debriefing with the office, former deputy campaign chairman rick gates said redacted, harm to ongoing matters. gates recalled candidate trump being generally frustrated that the clinton emails had not been found. paul manafort, who would later become campaign chairman, harm to ongoing matter, redacted. michael cohen, former executive vice president of the trump organization and special counsel to donald j. trump told the office that he recalled an incident in which he was in candidate trump's office in the trump tower, redacted. harm to ongoing matter. cohen further told the office that after wikileaks' subsequent release of stolen dncemails in 2016, president trump said
something like harm to ongoing. redacted, harm to ongoing maerlts. he also spoke with canned trump. redacted. harm to ongoing matter. man fort, also redacted, harm to ongoing matter. wanted to keep apprised of any continuously redacted harm to ongoing matter throughout the footnote. developments for wikileaks and separately told gates to keep in touch, redacted. harm to ongoing matters about future wikileaks releases. according to gates, by the late summer of 2016, the trump campaign was planning a press strategy, a communications campaign and messaging based on the possible release of clinton emails to wikileaks, redacted.
harm to ongoing matters. while trump was driving to the la guardia airport, redacted, harm to ongoing matters. shortly after a call, candidate trump told gates that more releases of damaging information would be coming. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. an author who holds a doctorate in political science. in 2016, horsi also worked for the campaign. harm to ongoing matter, redacted. horsi told the office during interviews that he must have previously discussed assange with mueller. previously redacted, now redacted again, harm to ongoing
matter. of course, he asked him to put korsi in touch with assange and also suggested that nigel ferange might be able to contact assange and ask him if mueller knew him. he made no actual attempt to connect cor sirsi are assange. he stated to investigators that beginning in or about august 2016, he and corsi had multiple face time discussions about wikileaks, redacted, harm to ongoing matter, had made a connection to assange and that the hacked emails of john podesta would be released prior to election day and would be helpful to the trump campaign. in one conversation around
august or september of 2016, corsi told mueller that the release of the positidesta emai. redacted, harm to ongoing matter, redacted, harm to ongoing matter. redacted, redacted, redacted, redacted, redacted. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. on october 7, 2016, four days after the press conference, the "washington post" posted an "access hollywood" video that caught actions of candidate trump several years earlier that were said to potentially adversely effect the trump
campaign. clinton, campaign chairman, john podesta. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. corsi said that because he had no direct means of communicating with wikileaks, he told members of the news site wmd who were participating on a conference call with him that day to reach assange immediately. corsi claimed that the pressure was enormous. redacted, ongoing matter. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. and recalled telling the conference call the "access hollywood" tape was coming. corsi said he was convinced that his efforts had caused wikileaks to release the emails when they did. in a later interview, corsi said he thought he had told people in the conference call about the forthcoming tape and sent out a
tweet asking whether anyone would contact assange, but then said that maybe he had done nothing. the office investigated corsi's allegation about the events of october 7, 2016 but found little cooperation for his allegation about that day. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. the phone records themselves did not indicate that the conversation was with any of the reporters who broke the "access hollywood" story and the office has not otherwise been able to identify the substance of the conversation. redacted, harm to ongoing matter. however, the office has not identified any conference call participant or anyone who spoke to corsi that day who says that they received non-public information about the tape from corsi or acknowledged having contact with a member of wikileaks on october 7, 2016
after a conversation with corsi. donald trump jr. interaction with wikileaks. donald trump jr. had direct electronic communication with wikileaks during the campaign period. on september 20, 2016, an individual named jason fishbein sent wikileaks the password of an unlauched web site found on trump's unprecedented and dangerous ties. donald trump had direct electronic communications and in dealing with that, we move to the ties that donald trump jr. had with russia. putin trump.org. wikileaks publicly tweeted, let's bomb iraq, progress for america pac to launch putin trump.org at 9:30 a.m. oops pw is putintrump,
putintrump.org. several hours later, wikileaks sent a twitter direct message to donald trump jr., a pac run anti-trump site putintrump.org is about to launch. the pac is a roij roijed pro-iraq war pac. we have guessed the password. it is putintrump. see "about" for those who is behind it, and comments. any comments. several hours later, trump jr. emailed a variety of senior campaign staff. guys, i got a weird twitter dm from wikileaks. see below. i tried the password and it works and the about section they reference contains the next pic in terms of who is behind them. and it is a dm. do you know the people mentioned, what the conspiracy they are looking for could be?
these are just screen shots, but it's a fully built-out page, claiming to be a pac. let me know your thoughts and if we want to look into it. trump jr. attached a screen shot of the "about" page for the unlaunched site putintrump.org. the next day, after the web site had launched publicly, trump jr. sent a direct message to wikileaks. off the record, i don't know who that is, but i'll ask around. thanks. on october 3, 2016, wikileaks sent another direct message to trump jr., asking you guys to help disseminate a link alleging candidate clinton had advocated using a drone to target julian assange. trump jr. responded that he already had done so, and asked, what's behind this wednesday leak i keep reading about? wikileaks did not respond. on october 12, 2016, wikileaks
wrote again that it was great to see you, and your dad, talking about our publications. strongly suggest your dad tweets this link if he mentions us wlsearch.tk. wikileaks wrote that the link would help trump in digging through leaked emails and stated, we just released podesta emails part four. two days laters trump jr. publicly tweeted the wlsearch.tk link. some more redacted. other potential campaign interests in russian hacked materials. throughout 2016, the trump campaign expressed interest in hillary clinton's private email server and whether approximately 30,000 emails from that server had in fact been permanently
destroyed, as reported by the media. several individuals associated with the campaign were contacted in 2016, about various efforts to obtain the missing clinton emails and other stolen material in support of the trump campaign. some of these contacts were met with skepticism, and nothing came of them. others were pursued to some degree. the investigation did not find evidence that the trump campaign recovered any such clinton emails, or that these contacts were part of a coordinated effort between russia and the trump campaign. henry oknyanski, aka henry greenberg. in the spring of 2016, trump campaign adviser michael caputo learned through a florida-based russian business partner that another florida-based russian, henry oknyansky, who also went
by henry greenberg, claimed to have information pertaining to hillary clinton. caputo notified roger stone and brokered communication between stone and oknyanski. oknyanski and stone were set up for a may 2016 in-person meeting. oknyanski was accompanied to the meeting by alexei rasin, ukrainian associate involved in florida real estate. at the meeting, rasin offered to sell stone derogatory information on clinton that rasin claimed to have obtained while working for clinton. rasin claimed to possession financial statements demonstrati demonstrating litten's involvement in money laundering with rasin's companies. according to oknyanski, stone asked if the amounts in question
totaled millions of dollars but was told it was closer to hundreds of thousands. stone refused the offer, stating that trump would not pay for opposition research. oknyanski claimed to the office that rasin's motivation was financial. according to oknyanski, rasin had tried unsuccessfully to shop the clinton information around to other interested parties and oknyanski would receive a cut if the information was sold. rasin noted in public source documents as the director and/or registered agent for a number of florida companies, none of which appears to be connected to clinton. the office found no other evidence that rasin worked for clinton or any clinton h-relate entities. in their statements to investigators, oknyanski and caputo had contradictory recollection about the meeting. oknyanski claimed that caputo accompanied stone to the meeting and provided an introduction, where caputo did not tell us
that he had attended and claimed that he was never told what information oknyanski offered. caputo also stated that he was unaware oknyanski sought to be paid for the information until stone informed him after the fact. the office did not locate rasin in the united states, although the office confirmed rasin had been issued a florida's driver's license. the office otherwise was unable to determine the content and/or gin of the information he purported to offer to stone. finally, the investigation did not identify evidence of a connection between the outreach or the meeting and russian interference efforts. campaign efforts to obtain deleted clinton emails. after candidate trump stated on july 27, 2016, that he hoped russia would find the 30,000 emails that are missing, trump
asked individuals affiliated with his campaign to find the deleted clinton emails. michael flynn, who would later serve as a national security visor in the trump administration, recalled that trump made this request repeatedly, and flynn subsequently contacted multiple people in an effort to obtain the emails. barbara ledeen and peter smith were among the people contacted by flynn. ledeen, a long-time senate staffer, who had previously sought the clinton emails, provided updates to flynn about her efforts throughout the summer of 2016. smith, an investment visor, who was active in in republican politics, also attempted to locate and obtain the deleted clinton emails. ledeen began her efforts to obtain the clinton emails before flynn's request, as early as december 2015. on december 3, 2015, she emailed
smith a proposal to obtain the emails, stating, here is the proposal i briefly mentioned to you. the person i described to you would be happy to talk with either, with you either in person or over the phone. the person can get the emails which i view as one classified, and two, were purloined by our enemies. that would demonstrate what needs to be demonstrated. atoxed to the email was a 25-page proposal stating that the clinton email was in all likelihood breached long ago, and that the chinese, russian, and iranian intelligence services could re-assemble the server's email content. the proposal called for a three-phase approach. the first two phases consisted of open-source analysis. the third phase consisted of checking with certain
intelligence resources that have, sources that have access through liaison work with various foreign services, to determine if any of those services had gotten to the server. the proposal noted, even if a single email was removed and the providence of that email was a foreign service, it would be catastrophic to the clinton campaign. smith forwarded the email to two colleagues and wrote, we can discuss to whom it should be referred. on december 16, 2015, smith informed ledeen that he declined to participate in her initiative. according to one of smith's business associates, smith believed ledeen's initiative was not viable at that time.
just weeks after trump's july 2016 request to fine the clinton emails, however, smith tried to locate and obtain the emails himself. he created a company, raised tens of thousands of dollars, and recruited security experts and business associates. smith made claims to others involved in the effort, and those from whom he sought funding, that he was in contact with hackers with ties and affiliations to russia, who had access to the emails, and that his efforts were coordinated with the trump campaign. on august 28, 2016, smith sent an email from an encrypted account with the subject, quote, secretary clinton's unsecured private email server, end quote, to an undisclosed list of recipients, including campaign co-chairman sam clovis. the email stated that smith was
quote just finishing two days of sensitive meetings here in dc with involved groups to poke and probe on the above. it is clear that the clinton's home-based, unprotected server was hacked with ease by both state-related players, and private mercenaries. parties with varying interests are circling to release ahead of the election. end quote. on september 2, 2016, smith directed a business associate to establish kls research llc in furtherance of his search for the deleted clinton emails. one of the purposes of the kls research was to manage the funds smith raised to support of his initiative. kls research referred over $30,000 during the presidential campaign, although smith represented that he raised even more money. smith recruited multiple people for his initiative, including security experts to search for
and authenticate the emails. in early september, 2016, as part of his recruitment and fund raising effort, smith circulated a document stating that his initiative was in coordination with the trump campaign, quote, to the extent permitted as an independent expenditure organization. end quote. the document listed multiple individuals affiliated with the trump campaign, including flynn, clovis, bannon, and kellyanne conway. the investigation established that smith communicated with at least flynn and clovis after his search for the deleted clinton emails but the office did not identify evidence that any of the listed individuals initiated or directed smith's efforts. in september, 2016, smith and ledeen got back in touch with each other about their
respective efforts. ledeen wrote to smith, quote, wondering if you had some more detailed reports or memos other than data that you could have shared because we have come a long way in our efforts since we last visited. we would need as much technical discussion as possible so we could marry it against the new data we have found and then could share it back to you, your eyes only, end quote. ledeened to have obtained a trove of emails from what she described as the dark web that purported to be the deleted clinton emails. ledeen wanted to authenticate the emails and solicited contributio contributions to fund that effort. erik prince, provided funding to hire a tech adviser, to ascertain the authenticity of the emails. according to prince, the tech adviser determined the emails were not authentic. a backup of smith's computer contained two files that had
been downloaded from wikileaks and that were originally attached to emails received by john podesta. the files on smith's computer had creation dates of october 2, 2016, which was prior to the date of their release by wikileaks. forensic examination, however, established that the creation date did not reflect when the files were downloaded to smith's computer. it appears to be creation, it appears the creation date was when wikileaks staged the documents for release, as discussioned in volume one, section iiib, 3 c, supra. the investigation did not otherwise identify evidence that smith obtained the files before their release 8.
associates and security experts who worked with smith on the initiative did not believe that smith was in contact with russian hackers and were aware of no such connections. the investigation did not establish that smith was in contact with russian hackers or that smith, ledeen, or other any other individuals in touch with the trump campaign ultimately obtained the deleted emails. in sum, the investigation established that the gru hacked into email accounts of persons affiliated with the clinton campaign, as well as the computers of the dnc and the dccc. the gru then ex filtrated data related to the 2016 election from these accounts and computers, and disseminated that data through fictitious online persons, dc leaks, and guccifer 2.0, and later through wikileaks. the investigation also established that the trump campaign displayed interest in
the wikileaks releases and that, redacted, redacted, as explained in volume one, section v.b, the evidence was sufficient to support computer intrusion and other charges against gru officers for their role in the election-related hacking. redacted, redacted. number four. russian government links to and contacts with the trump campaign. the office identified multiple contacts. links in the words of the appointment order, between trump campaign officials and individuals with ties to the russian government. the office investigated whether those contacts constituted a third avenue of attempted russian interference with or influence on the 2016 presidential election. in particular, the investigation examined whether these contacts involved or resulted in
coordination or a conspiracy with the trump campaign and russia, including with respect to russia providing assistance to the campaign in exchange for any sort of favorable treatment in the future. based on the available information, the investigation did not establish such coordination. this section describes the principal links between the trump campaign and individuals with ties to the russian government, including some contacts with campaign officials or associates that have been publicly reported to involve russian contacts. each subsection begins with an overview of the russian contact at issue and then describes in detail the relevant facts, which are generally presented in chronological order, beginning with the early months of the campaign and extending through the post-election, transition period. a, campaign period september 2015 through november 8, 2016.
russian-government-connected individuals and media entities began showing interest in trump's campaign in the months after he announced his candidacy in june, 2015. because trump's status as a public figure at the time was attributable in large part to his prior business and entertainment dealings, this office investigated whether a business contact with russian-linked individuals and entities through the campaign period, the trump tower moscow project, see volume one, section five-a, one, led to or involved coordination of election assistance. outreach from individuals with ties to russia continued in the spring and summer of 2016, when trump was moving toward, and eventually becoming, the republican nominee for president. as set forth below, the office also evaluated a series of links, this period, outreach to two of trump's then recently
named foreign policy advisers, including a representation that russia had quote dirt on clinton in the form of thousands of emails, dealings with a dc-based think tank, not speesh lizing, that specializes in russia and has connections with governments, vom one, section 4 a 4, a meeting at trump tower between the campaign and a russian lawyer promising dirt on candidate clint than was quote part of russia and its government support for trump, end quote see volume one section four a-five. events at the republican national convention, volume one, section 4-a 6, post-convention contacts between trump campaign officials and russia's sbas do are to the united states, volume one, section 4-a 7, and contacts
through campaign chairman paul manafort who had previously worked for a russian oligarch and a pro-russian political party in ukraine. volume one, section 4-a-b. the trump tower moscow project. the trump organization has pursued and completed projects outside the united states as part of its real estate portfolio. some procts have involved the acquisition and ownership, through subsidiary corporate structures, of property. in other case, the trump organization has executed licensing deals with real estate developers and management company, often loce toll the country where the project was located. between at least 2013 and 2016, the trump organization explored a similar licensing deal in russia, involving the construction of a trump-branded property in moscow. the project commonly referred to as a trump tower moscow, or
trump moscow project, anticipated a combination of commercial, hotel, and residential properties, all within the same building. between 2013, and june 2016, several employees of the trump organization, including then-president of the organization donald j. trump, pursued a moscow deal with several russian counterparties. from the fall of 2015 until the middle of 2016, michael cohen spearheaded the trump organization's pursuit of a trump are trump tower moscow project, including by reporting on the project's status to candidate trump and other executives in the trump organization. a, trump tower moscow venture with the crocus group, 2013 to 2014. the trump organization and the crocus group, a russian real
estate conglomerate, owned and controlled by aras agalarov, began discussing a russia-based real estate project shortly after the conclusion of the 2013 miss you know version pageant in moscow. donald j. trump jr. served as a primary negotiator on behalf of the trump organization. emin agalavrov, son of aras agalarov, and irakli, ike, kaveladze, represented the crocus group during negotiations with the occasional assistance of rocket goldstone. in december 2013, kevaladze and trump jr. negotiated and signed preliminary terms of an agreement for the trump tower moscow project. on december 23, 2013, after
discussions with donald j. trump, the trump organization agreed to accept an arrangement whereby the organization received a flat 3.5% commission on all sales, with no licensing fees or incentives. the parties negotiated a letter of intent during january and february 2014. from january 2014, through november 2014, the trump organization and crocus group discussed development plans for the moscow project. sometime before january 24, 2014, the crocus group sent the trump organization a proposal for a 800-unit 194 meter building to be constructed at an agalarov-owned site in moscow, called crocus city, which had also been the site of the miss universe pageant. in february, 2014, ivanka trump met with emin agalarov, and toured the crocus city site during a visit to moscow. from 2014, through 2014, the
groups discussed design standards, and other architectural elements. for example, in july 2014, members of the trump organization sent crocus group counterparties questions about the quote demographics of these prospective buyers, in the crocus area, the development of neighboring parcels in crocus city, and concepts for redesigning portions of the building. in august 2014, the trump organization requested specifications for competing marriott-branded tower being built in crocus city. beginning in september 2014, the trump organization stopped responding in a timely fashion to accordance and proposals from the crocus group. communications between the two groups continued through november 2014, with decreasing frequency. what appears to be the last communication is dated november
24, 2014. the project appears not to have developed past the planning stage, and no construction occurred. b, communications with ic expert investment company and giorgirtskhiladze. sorry about that. in summer and fall 2015. in the late summer of 2015, the trump organization received a new inquiry about pursuing a trump tower project in moscow. in approximately 2015, felix sater, a new york-based real estate adviser, contacted michael cohen, then executive vice president of the trump organization, and special counsel to donald j. trump. sader had previously worked with the trump organization and advised it on a number of domestic and international projects. sater had explored the possibility of a trump tower
project in moscow while working with the trump organization and therefore knew of the organization's general interest in completing a deal there. sater had also served as an informer agent of the trump organization in moscow, previously and had accompanied ivamka trump and donald trump jr. to moscow in the mid 2000s. satter contacted cohen on beeful of ic expert investment, a russian real estate development corporation, controlled by andrei vladimirovic rozov, satter had known him since approximately 2007 and in 2014, had served as an agent on behalf of rozov during rozov's purchase of a building in new york city. satter later contacted rozov and proposed that ic expert pursue a trump tower moscow project in which ic expert would license
the name and brand from the trump organization but construct the building on its own. satter worked on the deal with rozov and another employee of ic expert. cohen was the only trump organization representative to negotiate directly with ic expert or its agents. in approximately september 2015, cohen obtained approval to negotiate with ic expert from candidate trump, who was then president of the trump organization. cohen provided updates directly to trump about the project through 2015, and into 2016, assuring him the project was continuing. cohen also discovered the trump moscow project, discussed the trump mosz cow project with ivanka trump, as to design elements, such as possible architects to use for the project, and donald j. trump jr. about his experience in moscow and possible involvement in the project during the fall of 2015.
also during the fall of 2015, cohen communicated about the trump moscow proposal with giorgi rtskhilazze, a business executive who was previously had been involved in a development deal with the trump organization in batumi, georgia. cohen stated that he spoke to rtskhiladze, in part because he had pursued business ventures in moscow, including a licensing deal with the agalarov-owned crocus group. on september 22, 2015, cohen forwarded a preliminary design study for the trump moscow project to him, adding, quote, i look forward to your reply about this spectacular project in moscow. he forwarded cohen's email to an associate and wrote, quote, if we could organize the meeting in new york, at the highest level of the russian government and mr. trump, this project would definitely receive worldwide attention. end quote.
on september 24, rtskhilazze sent cohen an attachment that he described as a proposed quote letter to the mayor of moscow from trump organization, explaining that we need to send this letter to the mayor of moscow, second guy in russia, he is aware of the potential project, and will pledge his support. end quote. in a second email to cohen sent the same day, rtskhilazze provided a translation of the letter, which described the trump tower project as a quote symbol of stronger economic business and cultural relationships between new york and moscow and therefore united states and the russian federation. end quote. on september 27, 2015, rtskhiladze sent another email to cohen, proposing that the trump organization partner on the trump moscow project with global development group llc which he described as being
controlled by michail posikhin a russian architect and simon nizharadze. cohen told the office that he ultimately declined the proposal and instead continued to work with ic expert, the company represented by felix sater. c, letter of intent and contacts to russian government. dating october 2015, through 2016. one, trump signs the letter of intent on behalf of the trump organization. between approximately october 13, 2015, and november 2, 2015, the trump organization, through its subsidiary trump acquisitions llc, and ic expert, completed a letter of intent, for a trump moscow project. the letter of intent, signed by trump, for the trump organization, and rozov on behalf of ic expert, was quote
intended to facilitate further discussions, end quote, in order to quote attempt to enter into mutually agreeable, agreement, end quote, related to the trump branded project in moscow. the letter of intent contemplated a development with residential, hotel, commercial, and office components and called for, quote, approximately 250 first class, luxury residential condominiums, end quote, as well as, quote, one first class luxury hotel consisting of approximately 15 floors and containing not fewer than 150 hotel rooms. end quote. for the residential and commercial portions of the project, the trump organization would receive between 1% and 5% of all condominium sales, plus 3% of all rental and other revenues. for the project's hotel portion,
the trump organization would receive a base fee of 3% of gross operating revenues, for the first five years, and 4% thereafter, plus a separate incentive fee of 20% of operating profit. under the letter of intent, the trump organization also would receive a $4 million up front fee, prior to ground breaking. under these term, the trump organization stood to earn substantial sums over the lifetime of the project, without assuming significant liables or financing commitments. on november 3, 2015, the day after the trump organization transmitted the letter of intent, sater emailed cohen suggesting that the trump moscow project could be used to increase candidate trump's chances of being elected, writing, and this is quote, buddy, our boy can become president of the usa and we can
engineer it. i will get all of the putins team to buy in on this. i will manage this process. michael, putin gets on stage with donald for a ribbon cutting for trump tower, and donald owns the republican nomination. and possibly beats hillary and our boy is in. we will manage this process better than anyone. you and i will get donald and vladimir on stage together very shortly. that's the game changer. later that day, sater followed up. quote, donald doesn't stare down, he negotiates and understands the economic issues and putin only want, and putin, only want to deal with a pragmatic leader, and a success business man, and a good candidate for someone who knows how to negotiate. quote business, politics, whatever it all is, the same for someone who knows how to deal. i think i can get pute ton say
that at the trump moscow tower, if he says it, we own this election. americas most difficult adversary agreeing that donald is a good guy to negotiate. we can own this election. michael my next steps are very sensitive with putins very very close people. we can pull this off. michael let's go. two boys from brooklyn getting a usa president elected. this is good, really good. according to cohen, he did not consider the political import of the trump moscow project to the 2016 u.s. presidential election at the time. cohen also did not recall candidate trump or anyone affiliated with the trump campaign discussing implications of the trump moscow project with him. however, cohen recalled conversations with trump in which the candidate suggested that his campaign would be a significant infomercial for trump-branded properties.
two, post letter of intent contacts with individuals in russia. given the size of the trump moscow project, sater and cohen believed the project required approval, whether express or implied, from the russian national government, including from the presidential administration of russia. sater stated that he therefore began to contact the presidential administration through another russian business contact. in early negotiations, with the trump organization, sater had alluded to the need for government approval and his attempts to set up meetings with russian officials. on october 12, 2015, for example, sater wrote to cohen that, quote, all we need is putin on board, and we are golden, end quote. and that a meeting with putin and a top deputy is tentatively set for the 14th of october. redacted. this meeting was coordinated by
associates in russia, and that he had no direct interaction with the russian government. approximately a month later, after the letter of intent had been signed, lana erchova emailed ivanka trump on behalf of erchova's then-husband dmitry klokov, to offer klovov's assistance to the trump campaign. he was at the time director of external communications of pjsc federal grid company of unified energy system, a large russian electricity transmission company, and had been previously employed as an aide and press secretary to russia's energy minister. ivanka trump forwarded the email to cohen. he told the office that after receiving this inquiry, he had conducted an internet search for klokov's name and concluded
incorrectly that klokov was a former olympic weight lifter. between november 18 and 19, 2015, klokov and cohen had at least one telephone call and exchanged several emails. describing himself in the emails to cohen as a quote trusted person, end quote, who could offer the campaign political energy and quote synergy on a government level, end quote, klokov recommended that cohen travel to russia to speak with him and an unidentified intermediary. klokov said that those conversations could facilitate a later meeting in russia, between the candidate and an individual klokov described as quote our person of interest. end quote. in an email to the office, erchova later identified, quote, the person of interest, as russian president vladimir
putin. in the telephone call, and follow up emails with klokov, cohen discussed his desire to use a near-term trip to russia to do site surveys and talk over the trump moscow project with local developers. cohen registered his willingness also to meet with klokov and the unidentified intermediary, but was em that theic that all meetings in russia involving him or candidate trump, including a possible meeting between candidate trump and putin, would next be, quote, in conjunction with the development and an official visit, end quote, with the trump organization receiving a formal invitation to visit. klokov had written previously that the visit by candidate trump and russia has to be informal. klokov has also previously recommended to cohen that he separate their negotiations over a possible meeting between trump
and the person of interest, from any existing business track. reemphasizing that his outreach was not done on behalf of any business, klokov added in a second email to cohen that if publicized well, such a meeting could have phenomenal impact in a business dimension, and that the person of interest's most important support could have significant ramifications for the lefld of projects and their capacity. klokov concluded by telling cohen that there was no bigger warranty in any project than the consent of the person of interest. cohen rejected the proposal saying that currently our letter of intent developer is in talks with vp's chief of staff, and arranging a formal invite for the two to meet. this email appears to be their final exchange, and the investigation did not identify evidence that cohen brought klokov's initial offer of
assistance to the campaign's attention, or that anyone associated with the trump organization or the campaign dealt with klokov at a later date. cohen explained that he did not pursue the proposed meeting because he was already working on the moscow project with sater, who cohen understood to have his own connections to the russian government. >> by late december, 2015, however, cohen was complaining that sater had not been able to use those connections to set up the promised meeting with russian government officials. cohen told sater that he was, quote, setting up the meeting myself. end quote. on january 11, 2016, cohen emailed the office of dm
preferably you, contact me so that i may discuss the specifics as well as arranging meetings with the appropriate individuals. i thank you in advance for your assistance and look forward to hearing from you soon. two days later, cohen sent an email to email@example.com, repeating his request to speak with sergei ivanov. cohen testified to congress and initially told the office that he did not recall receiving a response to his email inquiry and that he decided to terminate any further work on the trump moscow project as of january 2016. cohen later admitted that these statements were false. in fact, cohen had received and recalled receiving a response to his inquiry, and he continued to work on and update candidate trump on the project through as late as june 2016, cohen
received an email from elena polliakova, peskov's personal assistant. writing from her personal email account, she stated that she had been trying to reach cohen and asked that he call her on the personal number that she provided. shortly after receiving poliakova's email, cohen called and spoke to her for 20 minutes. cohen described to her his position at the trump organization and outlined the proposed trump moscow project, including information about the russian counter party with which the trump organization had partnered. cohen requested assistance in moving the project forward, both in securing land to build the project and with financing. according to cohen, poliakova asked detailed questions and took notes, stating that she would need to follow up with others in russia. cohen could not recall any direct follow-up from poliakov or from any other representative of the russian government, nor
did the office identify any evidence of direct follow-up. however, the day after cohen's call with poliakova, sater texted cohen, asking him to call me when you have a few minutes to chat. it's about putin, they called today. sater then sent a draft invitation for cohen to visit moscow to discuss the trump moscow project, lang with a note to, quote, tell me if the letter is good as amended by me or make whatever changes you want and send it back to me, end quote. after a further round of edits, on january 25, 2016, sater sent cohen an invitation, signed by andrey ryabinskiy, of the kal mhj, to travel to moscow for a working visit, about the prospects of development and the construction business in russia, the various land plots available suited for construction of this enormous tower.
and the opportunity to coordinate a follow-up visit to moscow by mr. donald trump. according to cohen, he elected not to travel at the time because of concerns about the lack of concrete proposals about land plots that could be considered as an option for the project. d, discussions about russia travel by michael cohen or candidate trump, december 2015, through june 2016. one, sater's overtures to cohen to travel to russia. the late january communication was neither the first nor the last time that cohen contemplated visiting russia in pursuit of the trump moscow project. beginning in late 2015, sater repeatedly tried to arrange for cohen and candidate trump, as representatives of the trump organization, to travel to russia to meet with russian government officials and possible financing partners. in december, 2015, sater sent
cohen a number of emails about logistics for traveling to russia for meetings. on december 19, 2015, sater wrote, please call me, i have evgeneydvoskin on the other line. he needs a copy of your and donald's passports, they need a scan of every page of the passports. invitations and visas will be issued this week by vtb bank to discuss financing for trump tower moscow. politically, neither putin's office, nor ministry of foreign affairs, cannot issue invite, so they are vifgting commercially/business. vtb is russia's second biggest bank and vtb bank ceo andrey kostin, will be at the meetings with putin so that it is a business meeting, not political. we will be invited to russia, to russian consulate this week to
receive invite and have visa issued the. in response, cohen texted sater an image of his own passport. cohen told the office that at one point he requested a copy of candidate trump's passport from rhona graff, trump's executive assistant at the trump organization, and that graff later brought trump's passport to cohen's office. the investigation did not, however, establish that the passport was forwarded to sater. into the spring of 2016, sater and cohen continued to discuss a trip to moscow in connection with the trump moscow project. on april 20, 2016, sater wrote cohen, quote the people wanted to know when you are coming, on may 4, 2016, sater followed up, i had a chat with moscow. assuming the trip does happen, the question is before or after the convention. i said i believe, but don't know for sure, that it's probably
after the convention. obviously the pre-meeting trip, you only can happen any time you want, but the two big guys where, the question. i said i would confirm and revert. let me about if i was right by saying, i believe after cleveland, and also when you want to speak to them and possibly fly over. cohen responded, quote, my trip before cleveland. trump once he becomes the nominee after the convention. end quote. the day after this exchange, sater tied cohen's travel to russia to the st. petersburg international economic forum. an annual event attended by prominent russian politicians and businessmen. sater told the office that he was informed by a business associate that peskov wanted to invite cohen to the forum. on may 5, 2016, sater wrote to cohen, peskov would like to invite you as his guest to the
st. petersburg forum which is russia's davos. it's june 16-19. he wants to meet there with you and possibly introduce to you either putin or medvedev as they are not sure if i or both will be there. this is perfect. the entire business class of russia will be there as well. he said anything you want to discuss, including dates and subjects are on the table to discuss. the following day, sater asked cohen to confirm those dates would work for him to travel. cohen wrote back, quote, works for me. end quote. on june 9, 2016, sater sent cohen a notice that he, sater, was completing the badges for the forum, adding, quote, putin is there on the 17th, very strong chance you will meet him as well. end quote. on june 13, 2016, sater forwarded cohen an invitation to the forum signed by the director of the roscongress foundation,
the russian entity organizing the forum. sater also sent cohen a russian visa application and asked him to send two passport photos. according to cohen, the invitation gave no indication that peskov had been involved in inviting him. cohen was concerned that russian officials were not actually involved or were not interested in meeting with him, as sater had alleged, and so he decided not to go to the forum. on june 14, 2016, cohen met sater in the lobby of the trump tower in new york, and informed him that he would not be traveling at the time. candidate trump's opportunities to travel to russia. the investigation identified evidence that during the period that trump moscow project was under consideration, the possibility of candidate trump visiting russia arose in two contexts. first, in interviews with the office, cohen stated that he discussed the subject of traveling to russia with trump twice. once in late 2015. and again in spring 2016.
according to cohen, trump indicated a willingness to travel if it would assist the project significantly. on one occasion, trump told cohen to speak with then campaign manager corey lewandowski to coordinate the candidate's schedule. cohen recalled that he spoke with lewandowski who suggested that they speak again when cohen had actual dates to evaluate. cohen indicated, however, that he knew that travel prior to the republican national convention would be impossible given the candidate's pre-existing commitments to the campaign. second, like cohen, trump received and turned down an invitation to the st. petersburg international economic forum. in late december 2015, mira duma, a contact of ivanka trump's from the fashion industry, first passed along invitations for ivamka trump and candidate trump from sergei prishodko, a deputy prime
minister of the russian federation. on january 14, 2016, rhona graff sent an email to duma stating that quote was quote honored to be asked to participate in the highly prestigious forum event, but that he would, quote, have to decline, end quote, the invitation given to his quote very grueling and full travel schedule, end quote, as a presidential candidate. graff asked duma whether she recommended that graff send a formal note to the deputy prime minister declining the invitation. duma replied that a formal note would be great. end quote. it does not appear that graff prepared the note immediately. according to written answers from president trump, graff received an email from deputy prime minister prikhodko on march 17, 2016, again inviting trump to participate in the 2016 forum in st. petersburg. two weeks later, on march 31, 2016, gra if.
f prepared for trump's signature a two paragraph letter declining the invitation. the letter stated that trump's quote schedule has been extremely demanding, and quote, because of the presidential campaign, and that he quote already had several commitments in the united states for the time of the forum, but that he would otherwise quote would have gladly given every consideration to attending such an important event, end quote. graff forwarded the letter to another executive assistant at the trump organization with instructions to prin the document on letterhead for trump to sign. at approximately the same time that the letter was being prepared, robert foresman, a new york-based investment banker, began reaching out to graff, to secure an in person meeting with candidate trump. according to foresman, he had been asked by anton kobyakov, a
russian presidential aide involved with the roscongress foundation, to see if trump could speak at the forum. foresman first emailed gra if. f on march 31, 2016, followed a phone introduction brokered through trump business associate mark burnette who produced the television show, the apprentice. in his email, foresman referenced his long-standing personal and professional expertise in russia and ukraine his work setting up early private channel between vladimir putin and former u.s. president george w. bush, and an approach he had referred from senior kremlin officials about the candidate. foresman asked gra if. f for a meeting with the candidate, corey lewandowski, or another relevant person, to discuss this and other concrete things, foresman felt uncomfortable discussing over unsecure email.
on april 4, 2016, graff forwarded foresman's meeting request to jessica macchia, another executive assistant to trump. with no response forthcoming, foresman twice sent remind evers to graff, first on april 26, and again on april 30, 2016. graff sent an apology to foresman and forwarded his april 26 email, as well as his initial march 2016 email to lewandowski. on may 2, 2016 graff forwarded foresman's april 30 email, which suggested an alternative meeting with donald trump jr. or eric trump, so that foresman could convey to them information that should be conveyed to the candidate personally or to someone the candidate absolutely trusts, end quote to policy adviser stephen miller. no communications or other evidence obtained by the office indicate that the trump campaign learned that foresman was
reached out to invite the candidate to the forum or that the campaign otherwise followed up with foresman, until after the election, when he interacted with the transition team as he pursued a possible position in the incoming administration. when interviewed by the office, foresman denied that the specific approach from senior kremlin officials noted in the march 31, 2016 email was agency other than sobyakov's invitation to rosscongress. according to foresman, the concrete things he referred to in the same email were a combination of the invitation itself, foresman's personal perspectives on the invitation, and russia policy in general. and details of ukraine's plan supported by a u.s. think tank, east west institute. foresman told the office that kobyakov had extended similar invitations through him to another republican presidential candidate and one other politician. foresman also said that kobyakov
had asked foresman to speak after the other presidential candidate withdrew from the race and the other politician's participation did not work out. finally, foresman claimed to have no plans to establish a back channel involving trump, stating that reference to his involvement in the bush-putin back channel was meant to burnish his credentials to the campaign. foresman commented that he had not recognized any of the experts announced as trump's foreign policy team in march 2016 and wanted to secure an in-person meeting with the candidate to share his professional background and policy views, including that trump should decline kobyakov's invitation to speak at the forum. george papadopoulos. george papadopoulos was a foreign policy adviser to the trump campaign from march 2016 to october 2016. in late april, 2016, papadopoulos was told by london-based professor joseph mifsud, immediately after
mifsud's return from a trip to moscow, that the russian government had obtained dirt on candidate clinton in the form of thousands of emails. one week later, on may 6, 2016,. one week later, on may 6, 2016, papadopoulos suggested to a representative of a foreign government the trump campaign had received indications from the russian government it could assist the campaign to the anonymous release of information that would be damaging to candidate clinton. papadopoulos shared information about russian, quote, dirt, end quote, with people outside of the campaign, and the office investigated whether he also provided to a campaign official. papadopoulos and the campaign officials with whom he interacted told the office they did not recall papadopoulos passed them the information. throughout the relevant period of time and for several months thereafter, papadopoulos worked with mifsud and two russian nationals to arrange meetings between the campaign and the russian government. that meeting never came to pass.
origins of campaign work. in march 2016, papadopoulos became a foreign policy adviser to the trump campaign. as early as the summer of 2015, he had sought a role as a policy adviser to the campaign, but in a september 30, 2015 e-mail, he was told the campaign was not hiring policy advisers. in late 2015, papadopoulos assisted a paid -- papadopoulos obtained a paid position on the campaign of republican presidential candidate ben carson. although carson remained in the presidential race until early march 2016, papadopoulos had stopped actively working for his campaign by early february 2016. at the time, papadopoulos reached out to a contact at the london center of international law practice, lcilp, which billed itself as a, quote, unique institution compromising high-level professional international law practitioners dedicated to the advancement of global/legal knowledge and the practice of international law, end quote.
papadopoulos said that he had finished his role with the carson campaign and asked if lcilp was hiring. in early february, papadopoulos agreed to join lcilp and arrived in london to begin work. as he was taking his position at lcilp, papadopoulos contacted trump campaign manager, corey lewandowski via linked in, and asked michael glassner about his interest in joining the trump campaign. on march 2, 2016, papadopoulos sent another are message. joy luts said she had been told to introduce papadopoulos to sam clovis, the trump campaign's national co chair and policy adviser. at the time, papadopoulos' march 2 email, the media was criticizing the trump campaign for lack of experience on
national security advisers within its ranks. to address that issue, the senior campaign officials asked clovis to put a foreign policy team together on short notice. after receiving papadopoulos' name from luts, a google search was performed, learned he had worked at the hudson institute and believed he had credibility on energy issues. on march 3, 2016, clovis arranged to speak with papadopoulos by phone to discuss papadopoulos' joining the campaign as a foreign policy adviser. and on march 6, 2016, the two spoke. papadopoulos recalled that russia was mentioned as a topic and he understood from the conversation that russia would be an important aspect of the campaign's foreign policy. at the end of the conversation, clovis offered papadopoulos a role as a foreign policy adviser to the campaign and papadopoulos accepted the offer. approximately -- initial russia-related contacts. approximately a week after signing on as foreign apologipo
adviser, papadopoulos traveled to roam, italy, as part of his duties with lcilp. the purpose of the trip was to meet officials affiliated with link campus university. a for-profit institution headed by a former italian government official and during the visit papadopoulos was introduced to joseph mifsud. mifsud is a maltese national who worked as a professor at the london academy of diplomacy in london, england. although he worked out of london and was affiliated with lcilp, the encounter in rome was the first time that papadopoulos had met him. mifsud maintained various russian contacts. among them was -- a redaction, a one-time employee of the ira, the entity that carried out the russian social media campaign, see volume one, section two, supra. in january and february, 2016,
mifsud discussed possibly meeting in russia. the investigation did not identify evidence of them meeting. later in the spring of 2016 -- there's a redaction -- was also in contact -- another redaction, that was linked to an employee of russian ministry of defense. in that account, had overlapping contacts with a group of russian military controlled facebook accounts that included accounts used to promote the d.c. leaks releas releases in the course of the gru's hack and release operations. see volume one, section three, b1, supra. mifsud seemed uninterested in papadopoulos. however, mifsud appeared to take greater interest in
papadopoulos. the two discussed mifsud's european and russian contacts and had a general discussion about russia. mifsud also offered to introduce papadopoulos to european leaders and others with contacts to the russian government. papadopoulos told the office that mifsud's claim of substantial connections with the russian government officials interested in papadopoulos, who thought that such connections could increase his importance as a policy adviser to the trump campaign. on march 17th, papadopoulos returned to london. four days later, candidate trump publicly named him as a member of the foreign policy and national security advisory team chaired by senator jeff sessions, describing papadopoulos as, and i quote, an oil and energy consultant. and i quote again, excellent guy.
on march 24th, 2016, papadopoulos met with mifsud in london. mifsud was accompanied by a russian female named olga. he was introduced as a former student of his who had connections to vladimir putin. papadopoulos understood at the time that ponskia may have been putin's niece but later learned this was not true. during the meeting, ponskia offered to help papadopoulos establish contacts in russia and stated that the russian ambassador in london was a friend of hers. based on this interaction, papadopoulos expected mifsud and pole skia to introduce him to the russian ambassador in london, but that did not occur. following this meeting -- following his meeting with mifsud, papadopoulos sent an e-mail to members of the trump campaign's foreign policy advisory team. the subject line of the message was, and i quote, meeting with russian leadership, including
putin. end quote. the message stated in part, i just finished a very productive lunch with a good friend of mine, joseph mifsud, the director of the london academy of diplomacy, who introduced me to both putin's niece and the russian ambassador in london, who also acts as the deputy foreign minister. the topic of the lunch was to arrange a meeting between us and the russian leadership to discuss u.s./russia ties under president trump. they are keen to host us in a, quote, neutral, end quote, city, or directly in moscow. they said the leadership, including putin, is ready to meet with us and mr. trump, should there be interest. waiting for everyone's thoughts on moving forward with this very important issue. papadopoulos' message came at a time when clovis perceived a shift in the campaign's approach toward russia, from one of engaging with russia through the
nato framework and taking a strong stance on russian aggression in ukraine. and then there's a redaction. clovis responds to papadopoulos, however and did not reflect that shift. replying to papadopoulos and other members of the foreign policy advisory team copied on the initial e-mail, clovis wrote, this is most informative. let me work it through the campaign. no commitments until we see how this plays out. my thought is that we probably should not go forward with any meetings with the russians until we have had occasion to sit with our nato allies, especially france, germany and great britain. we need to reassure our allies that we are not going to advance anything with russia until we have everyone on the same page. more thoughts later today. great work. march 31, foreign policy team meeting. the campaign held a meeting of the foreign policy advisory team with senator sessions and candidate trump, approximately one week later, on march 31,
2016, in washington, d.c. the meeting which was intended to generate press coverage for the campaign, took place at the trump international hotel. papadopoulos flew to washington for the event. at the meeting, senator sessions sat at one end of the oval table while trump sat at the other. as reflected in the photograph below, which was posted to trump's instagram account, papadopoulos sat between the two, two seats to sessions' left. during the meeting, each of the newly announced foreign policy advisers introduced themselves and briefly described their areas of experience and expertise. papadopoulos spoke about his previous work in the energy sector and then brought up a potential meeting with russian officials. specifically, papadopoulos told the group that he had learned through his contacts in london that putin wanted to meet with the candidate -- with candidate trump, and that these connections could help arrange that meeting. trump and sessions both reacted to papadopoulos' statement.
papadopoulos and campaign adviser jay d. gordon told investigators in an interview that he had a, quote, crystal clear, quote, recollection of the meeting. had stated that trump was interested in and receptive to the idea of meeting with putin. papadopoulos understood sessions to be similarly supportive of his efforts to arrange a meeting. gordon and two other attendees, however, recalled that sessions generally opposed the proposal, though they differ in their accounts of the concerns he voiced or the strength of the opposition he expressed. george papadopoulos learns that russia has dirt in the form of clinton clintone-mails. papadopoulos did not understand sessions or anyone else in the trump campaign to have directed that he refrain from making further efforts to arrange a meeting between the campaign and the russian government. to the contrary, papadopoulos told the office that he
understood the campaign to be supportive of his efforts to arrange such a meeting. accordingly, when he returned to london, papadopoulos resumed those efforts. throughout april 2016, papadopoulos continued to correspond with, meet with and seek russia contacts to mifsud and at times polnskia. within a week of her meeting with him, she attempted to send papadopoulos a text message which e-mail exchanges showed to have been drafted or edited by mifsud, addressing papadopoulos', quote, wish to engage with the russian federation, end quote. when papadopoulos learned from mifsud that polinskia tried to message him, he sent another message requesting a meeting. she said she was back in enterist. petersburg but would be pleased to support initiatives between the two countries, end quote, and, quote, to meet him again, end quote.
papadopoulos stated and replied he thought, quote, a good step would be to introduce him to, quote, the russian ambassador in london and that he would like to talk to the ambassador or anyone else you recommend about a potential foreign policy trip to russia. mifsud, who had been copied on the e-mail exchanges replied and i wrote, i quote, this has already been agreed. i am flying to moscow on the 18th for a meeting. plus other meetings at the duma. we will talk tomorrow, end quote. two bodies referenced by mifsud are part of or associated with the russian government. the duma is a russian legislative assembly, while valde refers to the discussion club, a moscow-based group that is, quote, close to russia's foreign policy establishment. end quote.
papadopoulos thanked mifsud and said he would see him tomorrow. she said she had alerted her personal links to our conversation, and your request, end quote, and, quote, we are all very excited of the possibility of a good relationship with mr. trump. end quote. and that, quote, the russian federation would love to welcome him or once his candidacy would be officially announced. papadopoulos' and mifsud's mentions of seeing each other tomorrow referenced a meeting that the two had scheduled for the next morning, april 12th, 2016, at the andaz hotel in london. papadopoulos acknowledged the meeting during interviews with the office and records from papadopoulos' uk cell phone and his internet search history all indicate that the meeting took place. following the meeting, mifsud traveled as planned to moscow. on april 18th, 2016, while in
russia, mifsud introduced papadopoulos over an e-mail to ivan timofiv, a member of the international affairs counsel, raic. mifsud had described him as having connections with the russian ministry of foreign affairs, mfa. the executive entity in russia responsible for russian's foreign relations. papadopoulos and he had multiple conversations over skype. and e-mail about setting, quote, the groundwork, end quote, for a potential meeting between the campaign and russian government officials. papadopoulos told the office that on one skype call he believed that his connection with timofiv was being monitored or supervised by an unknown third party because he spoke in an official manner and papadopoulos heard odd noises on the line. timofiv told papadopoulos in
april 25, 2016, e-mail, had he just spoken to igor ivanoff and conveyed advice about how to arrange a moscow visit. mifsud returned to england april 25th, 2016. the next day, papadopoulos met mifsud for breakfast at the andaz hotel, same location as the last meeting. during that meeting, mifsud told papadopoulos he had met with high-level russian government officials during his recent trip to moscow. mifsud also said on that trip he learned that the russians had obtained, quote, dirt, end quote, on candidate hillary clinton. as papadopoulos later stated to the fbi, mifsud said that the, quote, dirt, end quote, was in the form of, quote, e-mails of clinton, end quote, and that they have, quote -- they had thousands of e-mails, end quote. on may 6, 2016, ten days after the meeting with mifsud,
papadopoulos suggested to a representative of a foreign government that the trump campaign had received indications from the russian government that it could assist the campaign through the anonymous release of information that would be damaging to hillary clinton. russia related communications with the campaign. while he was discussing with his foreign contacts a potential meeting of gain officials with russian government officials, papadopoulos kept campaign officials apprised of his efforts. on april 25th, 2016, the day before mifsud told papadopoulos about the e-mails, papadopoulos wrote to a senior policy adviser, steven miller, that, quote, the russian government has an open invitation by putin from mr. trump to meet him when he is ready, end quote. and that, quote, the advantage of being in london is that these governments tend to speak a bit more openly in neutral cities, end quote. on april 27, 2016, after his meeting with mifsud, papadopoulos wrote a second message to miller, stating that,
quote, some interesting messages were coming in from moscow about a trip when the time is right, end quote. the same day, papadopoulos sent a similar e-mail to campaign manager, corey lewandowski, telling lewandowski that papadopoulos had, quote, been receiving a lot of calls over the last month about putin wanting to host trump, and the team when the time is right. end quote. papadopoulos' russia-related communications with campaign officials continued throughout the spring and summer of 2016. on may 4, 2016, he forwarded to lewandowski an e-mail from timmofiv, raising the possibility about a meeting in moscow, asking whether that was something we want to move forward with, end quote. the next day, papadopoulos forwarded the same e-mail to sam clovis, adding to the top of the e-mail, quote, russia update, end quote. he included the same e-mail in a may 21, 2016, message to senior
campaign officials -- the senior campaign official, paul manafort, under the subject line, quote, request from russia to meet with mr. trump. end quote. stating that, quote, russia has been eager to meet mr. trump for quite some time, and have been reaching out to me to discuss. manafort forwarded the message to another campaign official without including papadopoulos and stated, quote, let's discuss. we need someone to communicate that trump is not doing these trips, it should be someone low-level in the campaign so as not to send any signal, end quote. on june 1, 2016, papadopoulos replied to an earlier e-mail chain with lewandowski about a russia visit, asking if lewandowski, quote, wanted to have a call about this topic, end quote. and whether, quote, we were following up with it. after lewandowski told papadopoulos to, quote, connect with clovis because he was, quote, running point,
papadopoulos e-mailed clovis that, quote, the russian mfa, end quote, was asking him, quote, if mr. trump was interested in visiting russia at some point, end quote. papadopoulos wrote in an e-mail that he, quote, wanted to pass the info along to you for you to decide what's best to do with it and what message i should send or ignore. after several e-mail and skype exchanges with timmo fiv, there was one more e-mail on june 19th, 2016. lewandowski's last date as campaign manager. the e-mail stated that the russian ministry of foreign affairs had contacted him and asked whether -- if mr. trump could not travel to russia.
a campaign representative such as papadopoulos could attend the meeting. papadopoulos told lewandowski that he was open, quote, willing to make the trip off the record if it's in the interest of mr. trump and the campaign to meet specific people, close quote. papadopoulos communicated with clovis and another member of the foreign policy advisory team about off the record meetings between the campaign and russian government officials or with papadopoulos' other russian connections, mifsud and timofiv. papadopoulos also interacted directly with clovis and faris in connection with the summit of the translannic parliamentarian
group. on july 16th, 2016, papadopoulos attended the tax summit in washington, d.c., where he sat next to clovis. as reflected in the paragraphs below, period. although clovis claimed to have no recollection of attending the tag summit, papadopoulos remembered discussing russia in the foreign policy trip with clovis and faris during the event. papadopoulos' recollection is consistent with e-mail sent before and after the tax summit. the presummit messages included a july 11, 2016, e-mail in which faris suggested a meeting papadopoulos the day after the summit to chat. and a july 12th message in the same chain in which faris advised papadopoulos that other
summit attendees, open quote, are very nervous about russia. so beware, close quotes. ten days after the summit, papadopoulos sent an e-mail to mifsud, listing faris and clovis as other participants in a potential meeting at the london academy of diplomacy. finally, papadopoulos' recollection is also consistent with handwritten notes from the journal that he kept at the time. those notes which are reprinted in part below, appear to refer to potential september 16 meetings in london with representatives of the office of putin and suggest that faris, clovis and papadopoulos would attend without official -- the official backing of the campaign. later communications indicated
that clovis determined that he could not travel. on august 15th, 2016, papadopoulos e-mailed clovis that he had received requests for multiple foreign governments, even russia, for closed-door workshop consultations abroad, and asked whether there was still interest from clovis, faris and papadopoulos to go on that trip. clov clovis copied faris on his response, which said that he could not travel before the election, but that he would encourage papadopoulos to make the trips if it is feasible. papadopoulos was dismissed from the trump campaign in early october 2016 after an interview he gave to the russian news agency, interfax, generated adverse publicity.
papadopoulos admitted telling at least one individual outside of the campaign specifically the then greek foreign minister about russia's obtaining clinton-related e-mails. in addition, a different foreign government informed the fbi that ten days after meeting with mifsud in april 2016, papadopoulos suggested that the trump campaign had received indications from the russian government that it would assist the campaign through anonymous release of information that would be damaging to hillary clinton. this conversation occurred after the gru spearish clinton campaign chairman john podesta. the gru hacked into the dnc. such disclosures raise questions
about whether papadopoulos informed any trump campaign officials about the e-mail. when interviewed, papadopoulos and the campaign officials who interacted with him told the office they could not recall papadopoulos' sharing the information that russia had obtained dirt on candidate clinton in the form of e-mails or that russia could assist the campaign through the anonymous release of information about clinton. papadopoulos stated that he could not clearly recall having told anyone on the campaign and wavered about whether he accurately remembered an incident in which clovis had been upset after a hearing papadopoulos told clovis that papadopoulos thought they have her e-mails. the campaign officials who interacted or corresponded with
papadopoulos had similarly stated with varying degrees of certainty that he did not tell them. senior policy adviser steven miller, for example, did not remember hearing anything from papadopoulos or clovis about russia having e-mails of or dirt on candidate clinton. he did not recall anyone, including papadopoulos, having given nonpublic information that a foreign government might be in possession of material damaging to hillary clinton. redaction, grand jury. no documentary evidence and nothing in the email accounts or other communication facilities
reviewed by the office show that papadopoulos shared his information with the campaign. additional george papadopoulos contact. the office investigated another russian-related contact with papadopoulos. the office was not fully able to explore the contact, because the individual at issue, sergey millan, remained out of the country since the inception of our investigation and declined to meet with members of the office despite our repeated efforts to obtain an interview. papadopoulos first connected with milan via linked in on july 15, 2016. shortly after papadopoulos had attended the tax summit with clovis, milan, an american citizen, introduced himself as president of the new york-based
russian-american chamber of commerce and claimed that he thought that the position he had insider knowledge and direct assets to the top hierarchy in russian politics. papadopoulos asked timofiv whether he had heard of milan. although timofiv said no, papadopoulos then met milan in new york city. the meeting took place on july 30th and august 1st, 2016. afterwards, milan invited papadopoulos to attend and potentially speak at two international energy conferences, including one that was to be held in moscow in september 2016. papadopoulos ultimately did not attend either conference. on july 31st, 2016, following his first in-person meeting with
milan, papadopoulos e-mailed trump campaign official bo dniskik, to say he had been contacted by some leaders of russian-american voters here in the u.s. about their interest in voting for mr. trump. and to put you in touch with other groups, russian chamber of commerce. he thanked papadopoulos for taking the initiative, but asked him to hold off with the outreach of russian-americans, because too many articles had already portrayed the campaign, then campaign chairman, paul manafort and candidate trump as being pro russian. an august 23rd, 2016, milan sent the facebook message to papadopoulos, promising that he would share with you a disruptive technology that might
be instrumental in your political work for the campaign. papadopoulos claimed to have no recollection of this matter. november 9th, 2016, shortly after the election, papadopoulos arranged to meet milan in chicago to discuss business opportunities, including potential work with russian billionaire who are not under sanctions. the meeting took place on november 14th, 2016, at the trump hotel and tower in chicago. according to papadopoulos, the two men discussed partnering on business deals. but papadopoulos perceived that milan's attitude towards him changed when papadopoulos stated that he was only pursuing private sector opportunities and was not interested in a job in the administration. the two remained in contact, however, and had extended online
discussions about possible business opportunities in russia. the two also arranged to meet at a washington, d.c., bar when both attended trump's inauguration in late january, 2017. carter page. carter page worked for the trump campaign from january 2016 to september 2016. he was formally and publicly announced as a foreign policy adviser by the candidate in march 2016. page lived and worked in russia and had been approached by russian intelligence officers several years before he volunteered for the trump campaign. during his time with the campaign, page advocated pro russian foreign policy positions
and traveled to moscow on his personal capacity. russian intelligence officials had informed relationships with page in 2008 and 2013. and russian officials may have focused on page in 2016 because of his affiliation with the campaign. however, the investigation did not establish that page coordinated with russian government in its efforts to interfere with the 2016 presidential campaign. background. before he began working for the campaign in january 2016, page had substantial prior experience studying russian policy issues and living and working in moscow. from 2004 to 2007, page was deputy branch manager of merrill lynch's moscow office. there he worked on transactions
involving russian energy company gos plan and came to know the financial officer, serge yet cinco. in 2008, page founded global energy capital llc, gec. an investment management advisory firm focused on the energy sector in emerging markets. redaction, grand jury. the company otherwise had no source of income and page was forced to draw down his life savings to support himself and pursue his business venture. page asked o-yo senko to work with him on a contingency basis. grand jury redaction. in 2008, page met alexander bulotav, a russian government official who worked at the russian consulate in new york.
page later learned that he was a russian intelligence officer. grand jury redaction. in 2013, victor podanovye, working convertly in the united states under diplomatic cover, formed a relationship with page. he met page at an energy symposium in new york city and began to exchange emails with him. podanovne and he met in personal on multiple occasions during which page offered his outlook on the future of the energy industry and provided documents to him about the energy business. in a recorded conversation, on april 8th, 2013, podanovne told another intelligence officer that page was interested in business opportunities in russia.
in podanovne's words, page got hooked on gazprom and thinking if he had a project he could rise up. maybe he can. it's obvious that he wants to earn a lot of money. he said he had led page on by feeding him empty promises that he would use his russian business connections to help page. podavne told the other intelligence officer that his method of recruiting foreign sources was to promise them favors and then discard them once he obtained relevant information from them. in 2015, podavne and two other russian intelligence officers were charged with conspiracy to act as an unregistered agent of a foreign government. the criminal complaint detailed
podavne's interaction with and conversations with page, who was identified only as male one. based on the criminal complaints description of the interaction, page was aware that he was the individual described as male one. page later spoke with russian government officials at the united nations general assembly and identified himself so that the official could understand that he was male one from the complaint. page told the official that he didn't do anything. grand jury redaction. in interviews with the fbi before the office opening, page acknowledged that he understood that the individual he had associated with were members of the russian intelligence services. but he stated that he had only provided immaterial, nonpublic information to them and that he did not view this relationship
as a back channel. page told investigating agents that the more immaterial nonpublic information i give them, the better for this country. in january 2016, page began volunteering on an informal unpaid basis for the trump campaign after ed cox, a state republican party official, introduced page to the trump campaign officials. page told the office that his goal in working on the campaign was to help candidate trump improve relations with russia. to that end, page e-mailed campaign officials offering his thoughts on u.s./russia relations. prepared talking points and briefing memos on russia and proposed that candidate trump meet with president vladimir putin in moscow. in communications with the
campaign officials, page also repeatedly touted his high level contacts in russia and his ability to forge connections between candidate trump and senior russian government officials. for example, on january 30th, 2016, page sent an email to senior campaign officials stating that he had spent the past week in europe and had been in discussions with some individuals with close ties to the kremlin who recognized that trump could have a game-changing effect in bringing the end the new cold war. the emails stated that through his discussions with these high-level contacts, page believed that a direct meeting in moscow between mr. trump and putin could be arranged. page closed the email by criticizing u.s. actions on russia. grand jury redaction.
on march 21st, 2016, candidate putin formally and publicly identified page as a member of his foreign policy team to advise on russia and the energy sector. over the next several months, page continued providing policy-related work product to the campaign officials. for example, in april 2016, page provided feedback on an outline for a foreign policy speech that the candidate gave at the mayflower hotel. see volume one, section four, infraa-4. in may 2016, page prepared an outline of an energy policy speech for the campaign and then
traveled to bismarck, north dakota, to watch the candidate deliver the speech. chief policy adviser sam clovis expressed appreciation for page's work and praised his work on the other campaign -- to the other campaign officials. page's affiliation with the trump campaign took on a high profile and drew the attention of russian officials after the candidate named him a foreign policy adviser. as a result, in late april 2016, page was invited to give a speech at the july 2016 commencement ceremony at the new economic school in moscow. or nes. the nes commitment ceremony generally featured high-profile speakers. for example, president barack obama delivered a commencement address at the school in 2009.
nes officials told the office that the interest in inviting page to speak at nes was based entirely on his status as a trump campaign adviser who served as a candidate russia expert. andresh kovik recommended that nes invite page to give tcommene want address based on his connections to the trump campaign. dennis klemetov said that when russians learned of page's involvement in the trump campaign in march 2016, the excitement was palpable. whoever recalled that in summer of 2016, there was substantial interest in the trump campaign in moscow. and he felt that bringing a
member of the campaign to the school would be beneficial. page was eager to accept the invitation to speak at nes and sought approval from the trump campaign officials to make the trip. on may 16, 2016, while the request was still under consideration, page e-mailed clovis jd, harden and faris and suggested that candidate trump take his place to speak at the commencement ceremony in moscow. on june 19, 2016, page followed up again to request approval to speak at the nes event and to reiterate that nes would love to have mr. trump speak at his -- this annual celebration in page's place. campaign manager corey lewandowski responded the same day, saying, if you want to do this, it would be outside your
role with the jdt for the president's campaign. i'm certain mr. trump will not be able to attend. in early 2016, page traveled to russia for the nes events. on july 5, 2016, dennis klemetov e-mailed the director of the russian ministry of foreign affairs information and press department about page's visit and his connection to the trump campaign. dennis klemetov said he wanted to draw the russian government's attention to page's visit in moscow. his message to maria continued. page is trump's adviser on foreign policy. he is a known businessman. he used to work in russia.
if you have any questions, i will be happy to help you contact him. dmitry clem to have then contacted russian press secretary, dmitry peskov to see if he wanted to introduce page to any other russian government officials. the following day, peskov responded to the same email thread. peskov wrote, i have read about page, he is far from being the main one, so better not initiate the meeting in the kremlin. on july 7, 2016, page delivered the first of his two speeches in moscow at nes. in the speech, page criticized
the u.s. government's foreign policy toward russia, stating that washington and other western capitals have impeded potential progress through their often hypocritical focus on ideas, such as democratization, inequality, corruption and regime change. on july 8, 2016, page delivered a speech during the nes commencement. after page delivered his commencement address, russian deputy prime minister and nes board member arkady dvorkovich stated that the sanctions the united states had imposed on russia had hurt the nes. page and he shook hands at the commencement ceremony and whoever recalled that dvorkovich made statements to page about working together in the future. page said that during his time in moscow, he met with friends and associates he knew from when he lived in russia.
including andre baronov, a former gazprom employee. page stated that he and baronov talked about immaterial, nonpublic information. page believed he and baronov discussed president igor sechin and thought baronov might have mentioned the possibility of a sale of a stake in passing. page recalled mentioning his involvement in the trump campaign, although he could not remember details of the conversation. page also met with individuals from tatnef, a russian energy company, to discuss possible business deals, including having page work as a consultant. on july 8, 2016, while he was in
moscow, page e-mailed several campaign officials and stated he would send a readout soon regarding some incredible insights and outreach i've received from a few russian legislators and senior members of the presidential administration here. on july 9, 2016, page e-mailed clovis, writing in pertinent part, russian prime minister and nes board member dvorkovich also spoke before the event. in a private conversation, expressed strong support for mr. trump and a desire to work together toward devising better solutions in response to the vast range of current international problems. based on feedback from a diverse array of other sources close to the presidential administration, it was readily apparent that this sentiment is widely held at all levels of government. despite these representations to the campaign -- redaction -- the
office was unable to obtain additional evidence or testimony about who page may have met or communicated with in moscow. thus page's activities in russia as described in his emails with the campaign were not fully explained. in july 2016, after returning from russia, page traveled to the republican national convention in cleveland. while there, page met russian ambassador to the united states, ser sergei kisslack. described in section 4 a 6 a infra. page later emailed campaign officials with feedback he said he received from ambassadors he had met at the convention, and he wrote that ambassador kislyak was worried about president clinton's world views. following the trip to moscow and s