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tv   New America Foundation Discussion Focuses on Black American Politics  CSPAN  February 23, 2017 2:54pm-4:32pm EST

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what policy is going to make that real? if the constitution doesn't and amendments to the constitution haven't already enshrined that in the constitution, then another bill to be passed doesn't make it real. the argument when we talk about black lives matter, should be respected, there is no policy answer. this requires a fundamental change in america's heart for that proposition to be realized, but there are policy things that can be done to usher things along. so when they talk about body cameras for police or independent reviews or community policing, these are incremental steps to push america in the direction where black lives in particular are appreciated. so on the line of one of these -- of these politics and policy, you talked about how solidifying the black base in the democratic party is where power can be realized elect to early going forward. and i wonder if there are other
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strategies? we have talked about the elect capture, the republican party is unwelcoming to black folks by policy and perception and there is no competition for the black vote which allows the democratic vote, the democratic party to take control for granted. so black voters are captured in the democratic party which means there is no real pressure to be met by either party, there is no other option. an activist who recently passed, black folks have nowhere else to go, you are wrong. so if this is real and are real power is in the democratic party, what are the strategies that marshall that power to affect change in the party, or use that to create a more welcoming republican party, or
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an interest group, like maybe be cdc that can serve as a third-party interest group within the party? jamelle: i think, i think -- let me pull back a little bit. i think the model for successful intraparty negotiation is the conservative movement in the republican party. over the course of several decades, they have managed to make themselves a genuine power center and the most sort of a group that one cannot cross within the republican party. and within that would be the evangelical movement, the inability to muster grassroots energy to at least make the demands fell. they were captured the public praise, their commitment to antiabortion politics, the evangelical is not going to vote
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for democrats. but they could make life of difficult for those republicans who do not hold onto their priorities. something similar can work for black voters. for black voters not just to vote for democrats but to punish democrats who do not seem to be acting in their best interest. whether it is through primaries, local, statewide and national primaries. whether it is through the use of the leverage black voters have in the democratic primary, one thing i think certainly bernie sanders learned from the primary was that you should need it to hit a critical mass with black voters to have any chance of winning. african-americans are the -- are a quarter of the democratic party electorate. if you are not winning upwards of 40%, you wiped out your chance of winning the nomination. and that by itself has a lot of leverage.
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but a wide identity politics, but americans -- they really have no place to go but the democratic party. but despite that, there is a lot of ways in which you could utilize your position with intellectual politics. i love the republican party is not committed to the narrow agenda, the positive economic rights and so forth. but black americans, they really have no place to go but the democratic party in terms of the electoral college. despite that, there are a lot of ways in which you can utilize your position within politics, not some ugly because black americans, that is the only place they can go. but as i said earlier, the democratic party cannot win national elections if it not -- if it does not win a huge number of black american votes and get a sufficient turnout. especially if the white
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electorate, to be blunt about it, continues to be more republican. it just raises the amount of votes among african-americans and latinos and asian-americans that the democrats have to win. this is a two-way relationship here. democrats are stuck in a position as well. and in that dynamic, i think there is a lot of opportunity for leverage and a lot of opportunity to make gains into making your priorities felt. ted: right. and i wonder, i think in the last, i need to check the numbers on this, but certainly for the last 5-8 years, the new blood in congress, the new black members are the republican members. and it seems like the old guard of the democratic party have been there forever. is this a harbinger of things to come, the new black blood entering politics may not
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subscribe to the democratic party and take their opportunities elsewhere? or maybe the activism becomes their political expression instead of electoral. jamelle: it is interesting, because the thing about love and hurd, they do not really represent black constituencies. scott as a house member represents thurmond's old district. that is a hilarious irony. [laughter] and so, in terms of sort of, you know, black communities, black districts and so on and so forth, i think there will still be new political blood to come out. one of the things i have in mind when thinking about intraparty pressure is exactly -- i tend to
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think there needs to be an attack on black machine politics. i am not one for terminal -- but it is the case that the longevity of black leadership in the house in particular may be an impediment to really fully utilizing the leverage of black americans. as voters that they have. so there i think there is a lot of space for action and activity. i tend to think the republican party will continue to look for african-americans to run where they can, recognizing correctly that there is value. not necessarily among reaching out to black voters, but reaching out to white voters in having that symbolic representation. but i don't think in terms of mainstream black politics, the republican party can be much of
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a factor. i do think this turn towards, this sharp turn towards politics is going to close off that for a while. ted: yeah. what about the state and local level? we have seen some folks, in compton, they have a black mayor. and st. louis, running for mayor. wrote an amazing letter to the local newspaper and calling out the disparities that the city doesn't talk about. what's the role of the state and local level to get away from national politics? keneshia: i think that they are connected, the state and local politics, and the national politics are connected and the republicans did a fabulous job of planning very slowly how they were going to take over local in -- and state politics and have it trickle up to the national level in a way that allows them to take over the presidency. state and local politics are important on a couple levels.
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one, they are important because the things you deal with on a day-to-day basis of your life comes from the local, to have someone there who you can speak to about the concerns that you have with the police department, for example you work with the local police department or the county sheriff's office. so it matters who gets elected sheriff and who gets elected mayor at the state and local level. but in terms of organizing the larger parties, this morning i was reading about -- what should be a fight in the democratic party and who will lead the party? and when we are making decisions about who gets to lead the party and what the democratic party is going to be, who makes those decisions, governor, mayor, people in those offices. they are important not just for the work they do in day-to-day life, but those are the people who get together in a room to shape how the democratic party is or is not going to give forward.
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ted: we will open up to the audience for questions. and i wonder where you think there is opportunity in the trump administration for black america? you talk about inner cities, infrastructure program. are there any lights in the trump tunnel for black americans? ted: i think just. [laughter] jamelle: the inner-city thing. he talked so much that one gets the impression he did not realize that black people do not only live in the inner cities. but his focus on the inner-city reveals may be opportunity, maybe ways you can leverage a housing and urban development, which has taken a role in the black apartment in the administration. and urban development, getting more community funds. which is really basic.
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it is similar to under the nixon administration, there was lobbying of these departments for funds for development and so forth. but there are limits of it, because his perception of black america seems to be actually pretty racist and shaped by that racism. and so when he talks about black communities, he is not only talking about inner cities, he says we need to bring in the feds to cities like chicago to deal with crime. his image of black community seems to be stuck in 1982. as a result, that does i think sharply limit the kinds of avenues for engagement you can have. at a certain point, you are dealing with an administration that will use you in a fundamentally racist frame. >> in an old frame. black folks start moving back out of the cities as early as 1970. we are thinking about what we
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should do and how we want to organize black communities and we need to be thinking about suburbs right outside of the city as much as we are thinking about the cities. and as long as he is focused on the inner cities, he wants to focus on that and a bunch of black people would get left out. that is not going to work. ted: to that point, the new frontier of urban poverty are these suburbs. places like ferguson, missouri, a small suburb of st. louis. jamelle: it has largely been abandoned. and transportation, job access, and no indication that anybody in the trump administration has an inkling of this fact. ted: i think american politics is littered with good intentions. if you look at the g.i. bill for -- or a lot of the housing legislation that came out of the
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good deal, those are policies to help america get out of the great depression. the problem is they left the black people behind. the policy may be a good thing, but the implementation turns out to be implemented in a very disparate and discriminatory way, and then those things compound themselves, which gets us to where we are today. it is not just about the idea and wanting to help, it is about following through. and using policies that targets those left behind, even the rising tide mantra does not address racial disparity at all. questions from the audience? please remanded to keep the question to a question with as much, with as little lead time as possible when you get to the question mark. over here. >> hello. hi, my name is crystal. howard university person as
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well. i had a question about running for office, in particular being an organizer activist person, but also interested in civic engagement. i think one of the holdups for a lot of that is the perception of selling out, or also being radically black and being successful with that, but getting things done and speaking outwardly about systematic racism and things like that and not just having to be confined to a place like detroit where i'm from. ted: what about your respectability? keneshia: i think that the short answer is yes. i hope it is yes. i think it depends where you are running from. you make a point about detroit. it you can represent detroit and get things done putting or you
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can do that in places like ferguson or in florida, a sub -- a suburb of fort lauderdale. you can be black and get things done. as long as you are serious about policy. are you going to face people who do not what to work with you because you have a notion that you are black and you are working for black people, absolutely. the way politics works, usually you need more than one person. they may not want to work with you today, but they need to work with you tomorrow to get what they need. so you want to try to understand the way that people operate in a way that will allow you to be who you are and allow you to use what you know and value you in a way that can work with them in those instances where you can find synergy. megan: i also think it is true in the current moment, not just democrats looking for new talent to actually run the local, state and federal office, but i think people, voters, constituents on notions of the candidates they
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need is actually changing. and i think there actually is a a lot of opportunity for people who do not follow a particular mode of the past. people want to be fresh and new. it is in the back of their minds, we do not want establish candidates. -- establishment candidates. that is democrats, people on the left who don't identify as democrats want that, too. there actually is a lot of space in the current moment for individuals and the politics that used to work when one actually ran campaigns. jamelle: to add to all of that, i would say politicians aren't elected by coalitions. the shape of your coalition has a lot to do with the kind of mode of politics you want to perform. for example, in the last election cycle, several district attorneys across the country lost races to reformist
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candidates, those back by black activist. organize by black activists. you know, we will see how this works out. it is not hard to imagine that those district attorneys were acting and sort of very aggressive ways, knowing that they had a strong coalition behind them. and maintaining and electoral base that is not just tolerate whatever mode of politics accelerates, but to be very unapologetically black as you want. wherever you are. i am from a place that is about 22% black. and while i do not think there has been a black mayor in the city, one can imagine a situation where the black mayor is elected on a largely, plurality black base and that gives them a lot of space to act because of the way local elections are, the way that
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turnout is. you do not have to have that many people behind you to have a firm hold on elected office. as we see right now. [laughter] ted: yes on the aisle? >> thank you. hi, this is political discussion. my name is dave price, formal -- former journalist and educator. i'd be a strong bernie sanders supporter if you are more to the left. my question is this. i want to focus on the observation and two questions. the last two words in the program today was trounced america, which i find interesting because donald trump is president. but it is not my america. my question is this. as you deal with someone like donald trump who really does, this is not a put down, this is true, he lives in an alternate reality, that he creates himself, how hard is it to talk to someone or deal with that
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when there is not a basis of truth. i'd like to compliment the panel. more facts and information today than if you watch maybe 14 hours coming out of the white house. who knows. that is one question. the second thing is, i guess if you have to say something about donald trump, he seems to be kind of, like not a hater, but misunderstander of so many groups. how important is that for each of those groups, whether in the gray, black, women, jewish, we could go around the room. how difficult -- again, it is not a rhetorical question. because all those groups have their own vested interest, very important interests. someone who taught the inner city for 40 years. but never has the call been so great for us to unite and make a change. so two questions, how do you deal with somebody who lives in an alternate reality when they
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have the ultimate address in america. and secondly, what do you advise people as good thinkers, how these groups get together to work with large numbers? keneshia: i think on the point about how you talk to people or influence people. i do not expect i would be able to have a conversation with donald trump and influence him to do anything. i think it might be possible for me to talk to -- i think we need to emphasize our networks is where i am going with this. i wrote a piece after the election about some stress i felt about white women and how they turned out for donald trump, and it did not turn out for hillary clinton in ways that i thought would help us. if i want to have this conversation as a black woman, who went to a black college, and have all of this blackness in my life. and if i want to reach white women, i need to talk to white women. so that is what i did.
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and i would ask, how does this make you feel? my friend tells me this is what i feel about it. is there a point and missing then i have to rework what i'm saying and reshape my message in a way that gets to what they understand. it's important for us about how we interact with craft messages in ways that can move them. i want to have a conversation with you based on fact. but if i cannot do that, i need to figure out how to format conversation to actually get to what i want in terms of moving minds. and if it is possible, to move the electorate in a way that could be helpful to moving donald trump and that is the way we do it through conversations, through the network, and hope we can reach those people. i do not know how much talking
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is going to help that kind of stuff, but on some of the policy issues in my be possible to get to common ground that way. megan: your question is partly why i did not answer the question raised in a q&a about an opportunity in the administration. i think there is a notion where it is not a form in which i can engage in, people with reason. the opportunity that i see is with him in so many ways, there has been concentrated resistance. one of the ways i think that you meet people like that, or argue, those ways that they pay attention to, regardless of what he says, he very much pays attention to the news. he also very much pays attention to protest. that is apparent. so it is not like we are having this conversation with him, but he is responding, not in the way in which political communication
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would tell you that executives respond to constituents. but it is an interesting way. and even 34 days in the administration, there have been ways in which things have happened in terms of the van, that -- ban, that came about and then huge protests from people in different areas. and there has also been other ways that we see him responding to outside pressure. so it is not necessarily discussion, but that's for me where i see opportunities in the administration, kind of new groups of people cannot believe what is going on and at some level they are out in the streets. in terms of the last question, the second one about different groups with vested interests and how can we get them all kind of together. that's going to take a long time as always. the history of social organizing is that. but i think that is going to be
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key to creating some type of more significant inroads in the administration. i was excited about the women's march, despite it being initially organized around white women and then bringing more women of color onto the leadership team. that cannot exist by itself. they have to be, some people who perhaps never really organize went to the women's march, so how can we get these people consistently into the movement and how can we build something stronger? how do i get some skin in the game in these other areas that are wrong. the idea of what a quality looks -- a quality looks like, not just in one sphere, but more broadly. jamelle: i think the, you know, appealing to ego is also an effective tactic. the recording after trump held
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his black history month breakfast the first day, he took an interest in hbc after someone said they did not get along with obama too well. you can do better than him there. and finally there was a talk about this. and after the raid that happened in yemen, a report came out that said there is a conversation that obama would've never taken this chance. that sort of made him okay, here is an area to invest. so there are ways to reach people where ever they are. you just have to figure out where they are and how to engage. >> here in the back and then we will come forward. >> thank you. my name is todd wiggins. the website is dcceleb.com. my question is, how many of you actually have read blogs that are produced by people who obviously are very different in their thinking, such as right
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wing republicans. if you actually read some of the things they were saying about mr. obama during the administration, obviously you can go on youtube and social media and see the things people say. whenf the things i noticed people who were trump supporters d.c., manyfeat -- were vehemently opposed to being considered racist. "it is not that we don't like black folks, but we do this for this." i wanted to ask you, could we instead ofrogress by talking amongst each other, talking to the opposition. maybe not in the same room, but do it in a constructive way. >> yes. i think this dovetails into
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something that a lot of people have been writing about lately. we live in a world of racism, but not racists. everyone recognizes that. question of people saying, i don't have hate in my heart, why am i being labeled as way. without acknowledging the structural aspect of racism, it has nothing to do with your race. is anend to think this unintended consequence of the civil rights movement. use of brilliant imagery, they created imagery of racists. the kkk. it is not your family member or friend.
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holds if not negative attitudes, cap attitudes. this is my own feeling about it, in no way political strategy. it strikes me that trump ran an explicitly racist campaign. is theway, the effect same for say, an undocumented immigrant or a muslim immigrant. the intentions of your vote mattered not for them. from a pretty conservative place a prettyrom conservative place, many of my classmates voted for donald trump. i am more than willing to have
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conversations with people who voted differently than i did, but i think those have to start from a place of truth and honesty. i don't think you can coddle people and say, no, you choice was not bad, not morally distraught, you were just acting in your best interest. i think you have to confront people with the truth of their choices. the truth of voting for donald trump was, at the very least, to expand white supremacy. taxes,ou wanted lower but, you also got that. you have to grapple with that. >> here up front. >> my name is andrea sprouse. i'm a newspaper reporter in germany. i've been here for years that and i've learned
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a lot of things. i do know that i will never understand race relations. i've learned that much. so thanks for taking my question. one thing i do know after traveling the country is that not only trump supporters, but also a lot of democratic county party chairmen in the rust belt we cannot work with the platform where the party is sort of in addition of the number of minorities, and my constituents don't understand why it's not ok to say our lives matter as a ves matter. black lif there is an image in the democratic party, how to get rid of the image of divisiveness, but still being inclusive. i wonder to what extent is that even a debate among the african-american community.
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is there any wing that would say pragmatically let's tone it , or would that be a defeatist position right from the start? thank you. >> i think that older people in congress, that we talked about, would say, tone it down. then, the younger folks, like the black lives matter folks that we tone it down. i believe the older generation of african-americans to want us to be quiet and respect will if we were successful. i don't think that works the other way around. i don't think the millennial willingves matter, are to go along with black leadership. anymore.
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i think it's their responsibility to get out of the way. if you are not going to be who we need you to be, if you're not going to be responsive to our interests, we are not going to participate. it would behoove everybody, in my opinion, to either change the way they interact and not attempting -- tamping it down, to get out of the way. >> is there a way to tone it down? barack obama toned it down. >> it didn't work. >> so you can tone the message down, but you're right. you bring things with you and the baggage of the nation with you when you walk into the room. >> i recently re-watched "star trek," a great movie. various online explaining why he explaining a line why they refuse to back down.
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if we do this, they take an inch, a foot a yard. ,it has to end here. at a certain point, it will just be the case that lack assertion of equal political and economic rights will find resistance from that portion of white america who sees itself not only as workers, or whatever category they have, but also wife's occupying a position on a hierarchy that they want to defend. i think one thing that democrats, were lefties in general, are grappling with is the extent to which democratic problems with the white working class are a function of the site that there are a lot of people who will not want to participate in a coalition where they are not the primary beneficiaries or the focus of whatever the policy is.
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>> if that is the case, what is the point of compromising? if any sufficiently aggressive statement of equality, of this is what we deserve as equal citizens, then i myself do not see the point in sort of toning it down. think if barack obama has done anything for younger black america it is that barack obama style ofled that politics. if the definition of respectful, mainstream black politicians incurs so much backlash that people elect trump president of the united states, then there is no point in making that sort of your main style of politics. there needs to be a more
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aggressive or more radical approach to these questions. >> one of the things that the black lives matter protest has made clear is putting center our analysis of protest. one of my white colleagues comes to me and says, we do not like the black lives matter protest, and thinks it will not be successful. unlike, all right, let me entertain this for just a minute . much of this idea, so the movement is this concerned, wanting to frame it in a way to make it acceptable to so-called white liberals. what is a legitimate the black lives matter protest is it puts eskewise -- black liv
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concerns center. when bernie sanders came to womene, and the two identified with black lives matter were seen as disrespectful, there was a question if there was a different way they could go about their protest. people do not like the way it looks. people thought the black women were being disrespectful to bernie sanders. the pushback from black circles was that if your outreach -- that likewisefrom ves are being shot
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down in the street, then you have to reevaluate what your commitments are. this is pushed again what -- against what freedoms actually look like in this country. a quickto tide up with study. at youssor out ca -- uci, michael tessler where he presented pictures of portuguese water dogs, which is the dog obama on and also the dog the kennedys owned. he took a survey of how cute the dog was and he would cry and the people by saying this is president kennedy's dog. how cute you think it is? another group of people this is obama's dog. obama's dog is less cute than president kennedy. that is a register of racial resentment, even though portuguese water dogs, they all look the same. there is almost no way to
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negotiate that sort of deeply embedded views on race. >> my question -- am i ok? just call me abrahamson from ethiopia. colleagues'e my question from germany. my question is when i look at american politics. [laughter] is now at seen the urban poor, mostly black -- the urban poor, mostly black, and rural poor, mostly white,
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line up in opposite political parties. one in the democratic, the other in republican. in making economic empowerment. talking about property ownership. making property ownership a central team would unite the poor from the urban and rural areas. mainly the white and black. of thend question is out context of this meeting. policy in africa in form, in any way the way it treats african-americans here? is the first question -- there a coalition to be found andg black working-class
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white working-class in completely different geographies question mark -- geographies? >> absolutely. when the great migration happened, we talked about in the context of the black people who went to the north and the black people who went to the south. we are fighting the same fight. i love your approach to the question because i find it so. -- so. pure. we have these other variables. you are like, there is a poor person there, and a point person there, we should all get together, right? except, there is white supremacy.
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myvirtue of the fact that skin is white, i am poor, but i am still better than you, and i'm not willing to work with you on these issues of economic stability. you could have more wealth than i have, but i'm still better than you, is the approach that many people have. is it possible to work together? yes, but we have to get past peopleea that there are better than others. >> you wrote about jesse jackson being a good example of bringing white and black working-class together. jackson pushes the possibilities and the limits. it speaks to not just the urban
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poor, but different groups of people, disadvantaged people, and unites them. i think it is possible to be done. on the same score, it is important to understand the limits to that is there will always be a minority of white americans. working onhat people this side of politics have hit people?ts of white not at all. i do think there is a limit though, in part because of white supremacy. not just personal feelings, but how the very idea of prosperity is structured according to race. when people think back to what it looks like to be prosperous, they don't actually imagine
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multiracial communities. our whiteimagine communities, white shop floors, and an environment totally shaped by grace. as long as that is the environment for most americans, i don't know you can convince any more than a decent chunk that they can work in coalition with black americans who have alternatively been defined as sources of disadvantaged. good not just that my neighborhood is white, it is that if black people come into it, it jeopardizes those things. and is dynamic long-standing. it is so deep-seated that people don't really think about it anymore. that dynamic, in my view, is the core obstacle to any kind of in americanion
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politics, or at least, a class coalition. imposed from thing elites down below. classpeople cross spectrums and have for a very long time. >> on the aisle. in fact, we are running short. let's do right here, follow up with your question, and then the panelists can answer and wrap up. >> thank you for being on the panel today. it has been quite informative and enjoyable. dca clu.r the ofas interested in this idea coddling white people, and, you
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know, let me shelter your feelings. my question goes more into whitesplaining, and the idea -- dr. grant i think -- talking to individuals who can then be voices sometimes or allies for you. i very cognizant of this premise of white people then taking the stage away from black people's stories and messages. how you cang reconcile this fear that black people have that live this life. they have white people getting involved, and taking the steam out of their stories, co-opting their stories. much like the concern from the women's march. they took his women's march, and
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tried to turn it into a mission focused on the white woman experience. later, they did come more intersectional. this fear is in every facet of community involvement that involves a white liberal, white woman, or white man that wants ally.an how do you reconcile that? thank you. george washington university. i thank you for stressing the importance of black participation. i am a historian of immigrants, i study black immigrants. i would like to address a pattern among newly arriving blacks, if we want to include them in this
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discussion. >> i do want mark to get in very quickly, and then we will wrap up. >> i have a quick question. in the recent past, we have seen a number of attempts to split the black coalition around issues, particularly , around abortion. blacks are statistically more likely to be antiabortion, but they do not vote on that. same-sex marriage. it ultimately did not matter. i do want your thoughts on immigration as a similar wedge issue. >> i think all of the questions tied in a way that black america is not a monolith. we do have white allies who want to part of the movement, but dilute the movement.
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demographic stratification or ethnic stratification or racial stratification that black america can either use to its advantage, to realize its games, or needs to guard against how far we have come? >> to answer the first question, i think it is difficult to reconcile. it is absolutely the case that if i give somebody my message and ask them to make it clear, i might be lost in the dissemination of my message. when i was talking about utilizing a network, i'm not saying that me give this message to the president of georgetown, and let them run with it. i'm thinking of the more hand-in-hand interaction with people. i think it is easier to move hearts and minds when we have
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interpersonal conversations with each other. i do think is possible for someone on the other side of that to try and make themselves the fate of the issue. i'm thinking more about how can i personally change a situation. i think the best way to do that is speak to people in languages that make sense to them. that it like the fact is not possible for me to speak truth to a person and let that truth moves. if i cannot speak truth to you, let me figure out how i can craft this message to get you what i want you to do. all greatre questions. following up on the first one, i think that is one of the biggest challenges in terms of movement organizing. i worry about the co-optation of
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movements and movement issues. i do not have the perfect answer or solution to that. i do know that part of the answer is having an open conversation and checking people and holding people accountable for their privilege. i have very little time. something, in 2017, i have been more willing to do. i also feel, from some of my colleagues and friends, that is something i am more willing to they have felt the ground moving beneath them. i live in seattle, in washington. feel of my friends off-balance. how can i be an ally and not get away? something we have to work through more is how to not put
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the burden solely on people of color. at the same time, it does mean listing to our voices and being the leaders of some movements sometimes. other thing about black immigrants, definitely. whether we're talking about black immigrants from the west indies or west africa, it is something that i like about the movement right now. there have been more issues that have come to the forefront more than ever. especially around immigration, and religion. i have a number of students at -- receipt of washington racists is one thing, but the experience of racism, especially for them who are muslim, they feel it more than they feel some other things.
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a number of my students are involved in black lives matter. you are right, that is something that we have to talk more about. yeah. the question about attempts to split black constituencies, especially using immigration. .his is obviously a thing so far, it has not really been successful. please correct me if i am wrong. i think some of it is the basis of black politics. even if there are these real geographic differences, and it a not monolithic, there are
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basis of solidarity. it also creates a heightened awareness of what might happen if unjust policy is allowed to happen to other groups. jewish americans tend to be among the forefront of groups fighting for civil rights. there is a shared recognition that what happens to them will happen to us. i think that dynamic is operative within the black community. it makes it difficult to play game.ro sum at least to some extent, as it politics, it is not zero sum. a win for one group does not have to be a lost for another. across classicans
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lines vote in the same way. differencet a big between those making $50,000 here and $150,000 there. using immigration as a wedge, i don't think it will work. it has not worked in georgia, for example, or in north carolina. i doubt it will work anywhere else. as you get more local, things change. there are question points, arguments, and disputes. at the local level, there are things that make it much more relevant, but there are things in other contexts. >> to tidy it up, black
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