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Jim Mattis
  Singapore  CSPAN  June 4, 2017 7:08pm-8:01pm EDT

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margaret thatcher, is in this they of tragedy will help her in that regard. host: thank you for stopping by. with the grandow >> c-span's washington journal. coming up on monday morning, reuters white house correspondent, and usa today white house correspondent paul singer discuss the week ahead in washington. and the operation of presidential libraries. be sure to watch washington et,nal, live at 7:00 a.m. monday morning. the defense secretary james
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mattis spoke in singapore this weekend. hour.s just under an primary reason for being here is to listen. i thought that prime minister turnbull
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specifically, vice president pence's words in his trip to south korea, japan, indonesia, and australia, we have been -- assured the united states's enduring commitment. it is based on strategic interests and on shared values of free people, free markets, and a strong environment economic partnership. andthe number of ships in their navies.
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nations, small nations, and even shrimps can even survive integrals-based order. such an order benefits all nations. it is based on strong military partnerships, robust investment, trade relationships, and close ties between the people of our country's. we all share this mighty specific ocean -- mighty pacific ocean. so many young people from pacific nations choose to come to american diversities to study. we appreciate that many of our students attend universities in your countries because they return home and reached by your culture. it highlights the breath and the depth of relationships between asian-pacific nations and the importance that the u.s. has in terms of the role in its region.
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ons morning i want to focus two broad subject areas and make this time worthwhile to you. the first area is america's view of the key security challenges. the second is the approach we are taking alongside pacific partners to address those challenges. anthe security arena we have abiding commitment. know, is a as we all true product of so many nation's efforts to create stability. these efforts, we do not take them for granted. they grew out of lessons learned the hard way from an economic depression and catastrophic wars. the international order was not imposed on other nations.
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it is based on principles that were embraced by nations trying to create a better world and restore hope to all. those principles have stood the test of time, like equal respect for international law, regardless of a nation's sizer wealth, and freedom of navigation and overflight, including keeping shipping lanes oceans for all nation's commercial benefit. these principles underwrite stability, build trust, security, and prosperity. the growing prosperity in this region gives proof to the value of such groups as the united nations, the world bank, the international monetary fund. they remind us that each of us have a vested interest in each security. that united states will continue to adapt and expand its ability to work with others, to secure a peaceful, preference, --
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prosperous, and free asia. because we recognize that no nation is an island, we stand with our allies and of the international community to address pressing security challenges together. as countries make sovereign decisions free from coercion, the region will gain increased stability and security for the equal benefit of all nations. in our cooperative pursuit of that vision, we cannot ignore the challenges that you and i face. as vice president pence stated, the most urgent threat to security in the asian-pacific is north korea. their pursuit of nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them is not new, but the regime has increased the pace and scope of its efforts. while it has a long record of the murder of diplomats, kidnapping of innocents, killing
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of sailors, the nuclear weapons program is maturing as a threat to all. coupled with reckless proclamations, the current program signals a clear intent to acquire nuclear-armed ballistic missiles, including those of intercontinental range that provide an immediate threat. president trump has made clear that the era of strategic patience is over. as a matter of u.s. national security, the united states regards the threat is a clear and present danger. the regime's actions are manifestly illegal. there is a strong international consensus that the current situation cannot continue. china's declared policy of a denuclearize peninsula is our policy as well. also that of japan and the republic of korea.
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all nations share an interest in restoring stability. the trump administration is encouraged by china's renewed commitment to work with the international community toward denuclearization. ultimately china will come to recognize north korea as a strategic liability, not an asset. a liability citing increased incitingy, and peaceloving nations to increase defense spending. as china's president xi said in april, only if all sides live up can the issues be resolved as quickly as possible. i agree with the president's words. those words must be followed by actions. north korea poses a threat. it is imperative that we do our part to fulfill our obligations
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and work together to support our shared goal of denuclearization of the korean peninsula. we are coordinating with the united nations and our partners to put new pressures on north korea to abandon their path. i reiterate secretary tillerson's statement at the united nations. he said, our goal is not regime change. we do not want to destabilize the region. we will continue to increase to poetic and economic pressure -- diplomatic and economic pressure it's pyongyang abandons nuclear program. the united states will maintain close coordination and cooperation with the republic of korea and japan, two democracies whose people what peace. they include the employment of
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our most event skip abilities. moreover -- advanced capabilities. moreover, will continue to defend the homeland,'estimates traded by this week's successful ballistic defense test. we must not lose sight of other regional challenges to peace and prosperity. i want to talk about china and the united states. because of its growing economic power, china occupies a legitimate position of influence. we welcome china's economic development, however, we can also anticipate economic and political friction. we cannot accept chinese actions that impinge on the interests of the international community, underlining the order that has been a faced -- the rules-based order that has benefited all countries today, especially
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china. while competition between the u.s. and china is bound to occur, conflict is not inevitable. our countries can and do cooperate. we will pledge to work closely with china where we share a c ommon cause. we seek a constructive, results-oriented relationship with china. we believe that the united states can engage china diplomatically and economically. not only to the united states and chinja, but also to the region and the world. all countries should have a voice in shaping the international system, but doing so by ignoring or violating international law threatens all that the inclusive global community has built together over 70 years. an international system that grew out of the grim lessons of
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world war ii, and the immense suffering of tens of millions. the united states remains committed to protecting the rights, freedoms, lawful uses of the right of countries to protect those rights in the south china sea. the ruling by the court of arbitration on the philippines regarding the child -- south china sea is binding. we call on all claimants to use this as a starting point, to peacefully manage their disputes. artificial island construction and indisputable militarization of facilities on features in international waters undermines regional stability. the scope and effect of china's construction activities in the south china sea differs from other countries in key ways. this includes the nature of its militarization, china's
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disregard for international law, its'contempt for other nations interests, and its tendency to dismiss issues. we oppose countries militarizing artificial islands and enforcing maritime claims unsupported by international law. we cannot and will not accept electoral, course of changes -- unilateral, coercive changes to the status quo. we will demonstrate resolve through operational presence in the south china sea and beyond. our operations throughout the reason -- region have a willingness to protect our interests and the freedoms enshrined in international law. as the prime minister modi has stated so clearly, respecting the freedom of navigation and adhering to international arms -- norms are essential for the
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interlinked geography of the pacific. china's growth over these last decades illustrates that chinese people have benefited enormously from these very freedoms. we seek to cooperate with china as much as possible. we seek to manage competition responsibly because we recognize how important u.s.-china relations are for the stability of the asia-pacific. we believe that china also recognizes this. we continue to work together with our longtime, steadfast allies. we ensure the military means to keep the peace. we will not use our allies and partners, or our relationships with them, or the capabilities
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integral to their security as bargaining chips. in addition to the challenges presented by north korea and china, there is another situation that we must all work together to address for the good of our nations and to ensure a healthy -- for our peoples. violence, as noted by the premised her last night, encoding fighters returning from the medical -- middle east seek to gain ground in southeast asia. last week, isis linked militants in the philippines attempted to seize part of a city and mindanao. killing police and taking worshipers hostage. isis claimed responsibility for the brutal bombings that killed three police officers at a jakarta bus station. we americans stand in sympathy livespport of those whose
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have been brutalized by such criminals. we must act now to prevent such threats from growing, otherwise it will place security at risk and stun economic dynamism. we need only look at the chaos and violence that our friends in the middle east are dealing with to see why we must swiftly, and jointly attend to threaten our region. we must defeat extremist organizations wherever they attempt to establish roots. syria, but iraq and also here in southeast asia. the u.s. or minsk committed -- remains committed to defeating -- to the coalition effort. the arab league, nato, interpol, and the european union are all fully committed at the political, law enforcement, and
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military levels to the destruction of isis. this heartbreaking attack we are observing now on a city in mindanao reminds us that terrorists intentionally make battlefields where the innocent love. these are humanitarian fields. we must vote ourselves to ensuring a stable environment. with violent extremist wither andns, they citizens.our we stand with the philippines in the fight they are currently engaged in. for our counterterrorism efforts to be accepted, we must unify our efforts, strengthened by moral clarity, political will and an implacable commitment to share the difficult and dangerous work that this will require. we are partnering with a number of countries in the region, including malaysia and indonesia to improve information-sharing,
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maritime domain awareness, so regional leaders can deliver protection for their people. information sharing is vital if we are to maintain law and order against a foe that intentionally targets women, children, and the innocent in our country. i am confident we can make these diverse region safer without sacrificing prosperity or its values. in me describe three ways which the department of defense, which i lead, is pursuing our common objective of regional stability. our primary effort remains strengthening alliances. the protects and promotes principles we share with our steadfast allies. history is compelling on this point. nations with strong allies that respect one another thrive. those without allies stagnate and whither.
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alliances provide avenues for peace, fostering the conditions for economic growth with countries that share the same vision while tempering the plans of those who had attacked other nations or tried to impose their will over the less powerful. i can note several examples. i don't want to talk too long, but let me make note of the united states and japan implementing the 2017 defense guidelines to enhance regional security across the wider spectrum of operations, cooperating more closely in the asia-pacific. japan is contributed relocation of our u.s. forces to guam, which is a statistic -- significant strategic hug. we are working transparently with the republic of korea to combat the threats posed by north korea's aggressive and
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destabilizing ballistic nuclear missile programs. u.s. and australian forces have shared the battlefield in every major conflict. president trump and prime minister turnbull commemorated a key part of our shared history, when our allied efforts in the battle of coral see took -- coral sea took place. our alliance remains relevant in the 21st century. our combined interoperability with allied forces enhance the initiative we are taking ensures we are prepared to cooperate during real-world crises. deterrence of war remains our ultimate goal. we're determined to advise and assist the philippines in their fight against violent extremists in the south. we all know that support to the philippine government. we continued support the modernization of the philippine
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armed forces to address the security challenges. during this challenging fight against terror, we will stand by the people of the philippines, and will continue to uphold our commitments to the philippines under the mutual defense treaty. our closest ally in the region, thailand, has been and will remain vital in challenging these threats. thailand has announced its intent to hold elections. we look forward to our longtime friend's return to democratic ofernance, and the expansion the military relationship, grounded in our everlasting confidence in the tahi people -- thai people. we are encouraging an interconnected region. these linkages are expanding, including, but independent of the united states. that is a development that we welcome. our second department of defense priority is to empower countries
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so that they can sec. mattis: their own peace and stability. the countries represented are obviously critical to strengthening and transforming the underlying security structure that has enable tremendous regional prosperity. we do not take that piece or prosperity for granted. countries toall contribute sufficiently to their own security. at the same time, we encourage them to actively seek out opportunities and partnerships with other like-minded nations as we do the same to sustain and maintain the peace. we will continue to engage closely with our partners, building on recent progress. we are exploring new ways to address the challenges as well. from maritime security to the growing threat posed by the spread of terrorism in southeast asia. for example, we recognize india,
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the most populous democracy in the world, as a major defense partner. we did so in part out of respect for india's indispensable role in maintaining stability in the indian ocean region. we are also conducting the first ever transfer of a coast guard cutter to vietnam and completed the inaugural u.s.-singapore air departmen attachment in guam, wl interoperability between our forces. the department of defense remains steadfastly committed to working with taiwan, and with its democratic government to provide in the defense articles necessary. consistent with the obligations .et out in our taiwan relations we stand for the peaceful resolution of any issues in a manner acceptable to people on both sides of the taiwan strait. a stableso know that region requires us all to work together, and that is why we support greater engagement with
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because no single bilateral relationship can get us where we want to go. only working in concert can take us forward. this year marks the 50th anniversary of the birth of asean and the 40th anniversary of relations between asean and the united states. in america, we are proud of our four decades of working together , and we believe our best days are ahead. the future of asean is bright, and that is good for all pacific nations. the indonesiane president's statement at the 2016 east asia summit, when he said "asean must protect our home and ensure sustainable peace and stability. hence, we need a strong and comprehensive regional security architecture that could advance centrality and more effectively contribute to security and regional stability."
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finally, our third effort at the u.s. department of defense is to strengthen u.s. military capabilities in the region, because security is the foundation of prosperity, enabling the flow of commerce. the united states seeks to integrate diplomatic, economic, regionalary to concerns, enabling our diplomats to address tough issues from a position of strength. it is the role of the military to set the conditions for diplomacy to succeed. the united states is consistently -- has consistently endeavored to support stability in the asia-pacific and reinforce our diplomatic efforts. our congress, senator mccain, thornberry, and other american legislators have identified a need to strengthen u.s. operational capability in this region. i look forward to working with them to develop a stability initiative that complements the
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ongoing large-scale investments in our budget to improve and reinforce the u.s. military's capabilities across the region. and to give you a snapshot, ladies and gentlemen, 60% of all u.s. navy ships, 55% of army forces, about two thirds of the marine forces are assigned to the u.s. pacific command area of response ability. soon, 60% of our overseas tactical aviation assets will also be assigned to this theater . the congressional initiative being brought forward will expand investment in the department of defense, strengthening the rules-based order by better positioning us to support regional stability in a changing region. further strengthening our alliances, by empowering the region, and by enhancing the u.s. military in support of our goals, we intend to continue to promote the rules-based order
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that is in the best interest of the united states and of all the countries in the region. our hostsst say to here today, this unique forum is only possible because of our unique host. singapore is a deacon to this region, and to the world. openness, mutual respect that it engenders, and the prosperity of this city states allows us all to be here to ascuss our differences in positive environment, and for that, i am grateful. thank you, ladies and gentlemen. i look forward to your questions. [applause] >> mr. secretary, thank you very much for that wide-ranging speech. you have inspired already about nine people to take the floor. let me remind all of you of the way in which to seek the floor. tap your badge on the
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left-hand side of the microphone set. press the button if you are sitting on the left or the right, and press the silver button underneath that if you want to join the queue. your current on post, with all the stresses and strains, for many of us, sir, you are the hope. general, your speech focused on the rules-based regional order, has been a preoccupation of this conference for many years. i associate myself with your strong remarks. all of us here in asia have the right to make our own way without coercion. i would like to thank you for your comment on alliances. i would like to ask you about the rules-based global order, which he mentioned at the outset of your remarks, and in which president trump appears to be a nonbeliever. 70 years ago, secretary addison
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wrote he was president at the creation of a u.s. led order that has served all of us while. in general, given everything over the past four months, including nato and tpp and paris, why should we not fret that we are present at the destruction of that order? give us cause for optimism, general. >> i will take three more questions before i come back to the secretary kerry the next from japan. >> thank you. i am a member of the japanese parliament. i have explained to my constituency that the u.s.-japan alliance is not just about security, it is an alliance to share, values, such as democracy, human rights, freedom of press, free trade, environmental protection, and so forth. today, more and more people are alliance is just about the security, not about the common values. the secretary, what do you
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think? if it is an alliance based on common values, what are the common values we are trying to promote today? thank you. >> two more questions before i go back to the secretary from china. >> thank you. mentionedou strengthening the defensive links between the united states and taiwan. i think it is quite unusual for the secretary of defense of the united states to say so in this occasion. somedoes not mean there is change with regard to the one china policy of the united states. thank you. >> and the final question in this round? one of our young leaders. permittingu for permittin
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me this question. it relates to the statements made by your former senior director for asian affairs. on the day of the tribunal's ruling in the case against china, he says the united states has made clear that we have talked national security interests in the south china sea. just as china does, and just as many other countries in the region do, and the united states inl not turn a blind i exchange for cooperation elsewhere. can we get an approach from the current administration? it not toect sacrifice the south china sea for cooperation on a three of? my second -- on north korea? my second question is about your statement that the united states
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will not be accepting unilateral changes to the status quote. -- status quo. you have militarization of beaches and the south china sea. may i please know what the united states -- how the united states intends to approach this question? acts eighte specific intensity to prevent this unilateral change in status what are the specific to use to prevent this unilateral change in the status quo? thank you. [no audio] can always count on straightforward questions here,
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can yo't you? obviously, we have a new president in washington, d.c. we are all aware of that. there is going to be fresh approaches taken, but just the fact -- just take a look at the president's first trip to the outside of the united states. it was straight into the heart of one of the most bewildering and difficult challenges that the world faces in terms of how do we restore stability and peace, right? into the middle east, where the discussion was about how do we together? with the arab league and other international organizations in order to reduce the threat of terrorism? so i think that we have been engaged in the world for a long time. i think, historically, the americans have been reluctant to see themselves in that role. between oure happy
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two oceans to say there are the 20th century took us out of that , but at the same time, we recognize -- especially the greatest generation, we call them -- coming home from world war ii, what a crummy world, if we all retreat inside our own borders. people deprived of good lives during the depression? how many tens of millions of people killed in world war ii? like it or not, we are part of the world. that carries through for all the frustrations that are felt in america right now for the sense that at times, we have carried an inordinate burden. that is still very deeply rooted in the american psyche, that engagement with the world. and i think that, to quote of british observer, from some years ago, bear with us. once we have exhausted all possible alternatives, the
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americans will do the right thing, so we will still be there , and we will be there with you. the fact that president trump went to brussels, he speaks with -- he shared our statement that we are standing with the nato allies 100%. he set me on my first trip after i was nominated to tokyo and seoul in order to make certain that it was not a misunderstanding to within weeks of his taking office, we stood with the democracies of japan and korea, so i can give you absolute optimism on this issue. china, as weut therebout whether or not is any adjustment to one china? no, there is not. the policy remains. we believe in the peaceful resolution of the situation between china and taiwan, and
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that is why we have stood for some years in the one china policy, which wants. i would also say that in regards to china and north korea, the south china sea, there is a lot more between the united states -- common interest and certainly on terrorism. there are any number of issues, but we have common ground with china. optionit into a binary of either we have to, you know, walk away from our values and what we stand for our freedom of navigation, and all, because we need to work with china on north korea. we are working with china and north korea, ladies and gentlemen, because that is a problem with north korea. excuse me, for china. them to choose to send
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south korea to protect the south korean people from an imaginary problem. this is a real problem. and the problem is not south it in a fully defensive system for the defense of their own people. the problem is north korea, and it we want to stop bringing more into thecapability northwest pacific, we have to address the problem that is a threat to japan, to south korea, and all the other nations, so we have many areas we can work with korea, but at the same time -- excuse me, with china. at the same time, north korea is a problem that has to be addressed, and we can do so. we believe that by now, china is working this issue, but i hope that addresses each of the four questions. >> thank you very much. i will take a quick round. please keep your questions
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crisp. from india. secretary, i am from india. we have been hearing not just but we talk about rules-based laws being followed. will pullhink china back his militarization -- back its militarization. are we going to lay down a timeline or are we going to keep doing this for the next decade or more? thank you. >> thank you. i will take three more. richard from the u.k. >> thank you. richard lloyd parry of the times. ttis, you made it clear that the u.s. does not seek regime change in north korea. a very simple yes/no question is
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this. does the north korean government of kim jong-un have a right to exist? >> from singapore? mattis, you, secretary for your speech. you said that u.s.-china .ompetition will rise china has launched be built and roads initiative. -- belt and wrote initiative. is there any possibility at all of the united states reconsidering its decision to withdraw from tpp? that would be a powerful signal to this region. >> and from russia, katerina caugh? go ahead. >> yes, thank you. secretary mattis, you mentioned the rules-based order several times. understanding is that it can only be entered to the institution. at the same time, we have heard
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multiple questions about growing unilateralism. be the role and function of the original security institutions if this does not -- if this tendency exists and will go on? how can we ensure neutrality in this setting? thank you. >> and the final question from australia, christopher roberts. >> thank you. the australian defense force academy. arguef my -- some might that china has achieved its goals in the south china sea. given my own discussions in beyond, the relations might be improved as the u.s. provides continuous security presence around beaches or higher a
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coalition of coast guard including australia, and an unconditional guarantee to protect the legally declared eez of the philippines. can the u.s. take such steps in addition to what you have already indicated to put an immediate halt to the expansion of china's presence within the area ahead of the philippines, and can something similar be done in the case of vietnam and perhaps malaysia? thank you. [no audio] sec. mattis: there is a little bit of an echo up here.
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we are working together to make sure i have the right questions ladies and gentlemen. on the rules-based order, we and induring interests, think that when you look at those enduring interests, you tod the enduring motivations reinforce and hold fast with the rules-based approach. i do not think that this is something new. i think it is as old as history, and the fight between those who want a rules-based order and those who try through: version to find ways around it, frankly, it is simply something we have to work together on. the 1.i would make is that we have plenty of valid reasons for many nations to work together in maintaining the rules-based order today. these are valid because we can quantitatively show the value in commerce and security where we work together. the aseanon
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centrality, i think that we need organizations that allow people to come together to discuss common problems, and i think .hat asean provides that forum where asean goes, these are sovereign nations. we respect that. linked topy to be asean in our status that we maintain. in the economic arena especially, i think asean will play a role as we look at how do we have not just free trade, but we have fair trade among all the nations involved? we -- letk, on how do me jump over to the south china sea. ladies and gentlemen, we are going to have to work together on this. i do not think there is room pushingw to get into
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adversarial approaches. what we have to do is take into account, number one, what each nation's interest are in the south china sea, and have mediation capabilities in order small nations, large nations, all nations can work them out to mutual satisfaction, because that is the only way we will have an enduring solution. one size does not fit all imposing its will. did i miss any of them? yeah, and on the tpp situation, it is going to be a fresh approach. obviously, there were many disappointed about the tpp decision, but at the same time, to bilateralts us approaches and other multilateral approaches it that
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we will engage in. i have no doubt that we will stay engaged on those. did not meetavenue our nation's population lost desires, but that does not mean we are turning our back on relations that we would work out on a bilateral basis as a result. >> we can take one, maybe two questions if they are very brief. china?eral from brief? you, thank you. one specific question, because we are talking about rules-based international order. i am curious to know what are theional rules freedom of navigation space. al qaeda rules should be applied what kind of rule should
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be applied here? made laws asking for prior notification of concerns. the u.s. has been conducting freedom of navigation operations to challenge this kind of maritime drive since 1979. is not aited states convention of the law of the seas. so what should we take as rules relating to this kind of military operations? a so-called freedom of navigation operations? been.s. navy has
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challenging china, vietnam, the philippines, villains here, philippineslso -- and indonesia. i am curious to know what other routes? >> i will take one more. from japan? >> they give very much. my question is about north korea. if there is war in north korea, ont is going to be a tragic an unbelievable scale. do you think that the u.s. will preemptively,ry, without giving warning to the foreigners living in south korea? it is said that there will be several hundred thousand foreigners, including american citizens, living in korean peninsula. i wonder if an option could be to act preemptively without
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pre-warning, if necessary, to those people to evacuate? thank you. >> thank you very much. i will have the secretary answer those two questions, and then we will close the session. mr. secretary. sec. mattis: i recognize your question, general. but the law of the sea is not the only law that we go by. i would just tell you that there is a tradition in the sea, traditional areas of the sea that have been used as international waters since time began. we believe that is kind of standards should be maintained. they should not be unilaterally no matter what one nation's interests are. we had to work together if we are going to have the freedom of commerce that all nations can benefit from. or how weng warning
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address north korea, right now, we are doing our best to the united nations, three engaging with beijing, working with the international community, and working with the republic of we areorea, japan, working diplomatically, economically, trying to exhaust all possible alternatives, to avert this race for a nuclear weapon in violation. in violation of the united restrictions on north korea's activities. we have seen north korea engaged in proliferation activities, which means the nuclear capabilities are not fully being retained by north korea in their own defense. they are actually exporting some of that capability, some of that us, wege, and so, to want to stop this.
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we consider it urgent, but at the same time, we are working diplomatically and economically, and we obviously work very closely with the united nations command. this is not just an american command. , beingd nations command those that sent troops under the n. security council resolution in 1950. those nations are still committed to maintaining the peace on the peninsula. we worked obviously with them as well in terms of military options. by now, we are doing our very best to exhausts all economic and diplomatic initiatives to get this under control. >> mr. secretary, thank you very much for a splendid speech, and for the strength, clarity, precision, and forward-looking
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character of your answers to the many questions here. please, all of you, will you do two things? first, stay in your seats, because in a moment, french, japanese, and australian defense ministers will take the stage, and the second thing to do, please think the secretary for his opening remarks. [applause] >> former fbi director james comey will testify thursday before the senate intelligence committee, investigating russian activities during last year's election. c-span3 will have live coverage of the open part of that hearing at 10:00 a.m. eastern. you can also watch online at or listen live using the freeseas been radio app for apple and android devices. former seca with chief economist thomas haley.
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after that, theresa may's statements on last night's terror attack in london and then the bbc question time with prime minister may and germany gordon, talking about election issues. ♪ >> this week on q&a, clemson university professor and former chief economist of the fcc, thomas hazlett. he talks about his book "the political spectrum: the couple tumultuous -- tom his lip, why did you write the book "the political spectrum?" guest: there is a great set of stories, unknown to most people about how we got into the age of wireless.