tv William Julius Wilson on Race Relations CSPAN July 7, 2017 8:00pm-9:05pm EDT
introduce bill's basically given his status as were the u.s. leading public intellectuals, and unfortunately, a dying brain. i will take you to the cloning machine as well. to introduce try him and i will catch here from the remarkable and lengthy a communications director wrote for me. the info hel provided me, i would be speaking longer than the minutes assigned to bill himself. i cut it down considerably. and its a 56-page c.v. is not packed with anything trivial. i will come back to his scholarly and policy concretions. let me start with his titles from a few of his titles and honors. william julius wilson
sociologist is a professor at harvard university and at the time of his appointment in 1995, national media covered his addition to the dream team of african-american intellectuals, including henry lewis gates jr. when he was at the university of chicago. i was a slightly younger scholar than and he was incredibly supportive, as he is. he is a mentor of renowned. he started his career in 1965 at the university of massachusetts amherst. this was before completing his ph.d. at washington state university, which was a major program at that time. he is the recipient of 46 honorary degrees. past president of the american
sociological association, macarthur prize fellow, members of the national academy of sciences, american academy of sciences, and reckoned philosophical society, institute of medicine, british academy, and he is also the recipient of the national medal of science, the highest scientific honor bestowed in the united states. us -- i do not know anybody in this true -- who among us has been named among "time" magazine's most influential people of the united states other than bill? readhas published widely but seminal works of scholarship on different dimensions of race, class, and the urban core. the declining significance of race, the truly disadvantaged,
and when work disappears, and i would add, although it has not reached that pickle yet, more yet,just raise -- pinnacle more than just raise. -- race. bill challenges liberal orthodoxy about the causes of a structural underclass in u.s. society as well as conservative views that contribute to and cultural deficiencies. he has helped shape academic discourse and public policy debate, one of the requirements of the price. he has appeared at on television, testify before congressional committees, etc., etc. to mayors, advisers president and lots of people in the political space. notably, it is documented that influenced the philosophy and politics of the
then chicago activist barack obama, and bill clinton told made inhat his books seat race and property and the problems of the inner city in a different light. that i at least had not known before. the truly disadvantaged inspired much of the writing that the " and hisof "the wire, work was a major influence on allergy. --llbilly elegy." "the truly disadvantaged" examined the flip side of rising black prosperity. inner-city blacks with poor training and limited education, rising unemployment, and welfare and romans, and shrinking prospects for getting out of poverty. the book is awesome in its
combination of astute scholarship, great writing, and impact on policy. it was largely written here, which makes the like it even more, and one of the reasons i am emphasizing it among his many books. i will admit some of his other ands are just as important, in fact i still use both of them. one is especially dear to me. remainsly advantaged" relevant today. in a second edition of the book published in 2012, he elucidates and demonstrates how the conditions described in the first edition are not qualitatively different 25 years later. responses tons on the first edition of the book yield a new 60 have an page afterword. i was going to bring this to you. that is a significant scholarly
and abution in itself, fellow here and a professor of public policy at rutgers -- bill --i am almost done. bill is a very senior scholar, a nice way for saying he is over 80. but he is still going strong and his contributions keep coming. harvard's 2016, center for african-american research received a $10 million grant from its namesake foundation. the research project that it will fund, led by wilson, is an article big data study of what he calls multidimensional inequality and cumulative adversity in the boston area. people in neighborhoods subjected to multiple reinforcing and simultaneous
racial and economic hardships. it will big deep into the lives of poor residents to understand the disadvantages that prepare great that perpetuate poverty to generate insights that will influence public policy. "gazette," the wilson said here is my problem. i do i fight pessimism? i fight it all the time. i tried to keep thinking that we will eventually come around to addressing our problems. so, bill, how is the fight of pessimism going? it has been a tough day. we're about to find out. ladies and gentlemen, our 2017 award winner, william julius wilson. [applause]
boy, that was quite an introduction. [laughter] mr. wilson: you know, it is a real honor to return to the this, and ieliver that -- isly pleased in the audience. in ourustrating period history, and i thought that it would be good to take this opportunity to reflect on some of the issues regarding race in america that are very much on my mind. shortly before the
presidential election, i received an email from my harvard colleague henry louis gates, and heskip was also a member of the board of stanford advanced buddies and behavioral sciences. he sent me and email, and he said that he had to do a coda to mlk"hbo television series " to bring it up to date. and he asked me if i was optimistic or pessimistic about the future of our people. he said that he actually heard a cnnon anderson cooper's news show say this is the worst time in the history of our
people. gates added, this is surely not true, but he would love to get my thoughts about this, and i said that i completely agree, that it cannot be true. anybody who says this is the worst time in the history of african-americans does not have a sense of history. in general, nothing today compares with slavery or jim crow segregation. thater, i also pointed out it would be accurate to say that since the death of martin luther . conditions for poor blacks have deteriorated while the conditions of better-off blacks have indeed improved. in this is most clearly seen the growing income inequality in
the black community -- turn your microphone up. mr. wilson: is most clearly seen in the growing income inequality in the black community as reflected in the genie r of income, a majo inequality that ranges from zero , perfect equality, to 1, maximum inequality. discloses there increasing household income inequality across the american population as a whole, rising 39 in 1970 to 0.
48 in 2013. follow the blue line. more interesting, however, is intragroupvel of inequality among black households. although the absolute level of black income is well below that of whites, blacks nonetheless display the most intragroup income inequality, reaching a insehold genie index of 0.49 2013, followed by white at 0.47 and hispanics at 0.45. one of the most significant changes since dr. king's passing incomemarkable gain in
among more affluent lacks -- bla cks. when adjusted for inflation to 2014 dollars, the percentage of black americans making at least $75,000 more than doubled from to 21%.2014, more making $100,000 or nearly quadrupled to 13%. americans sawhite a less impressive increase. on the other hand, the percentage of black americans $15,000 onlybelow between 1970 and 2014. research reveals that income
inequality is related to income segregation. ons next figure presents inome segregation by race metropolitan areas with populations of more than 500,000. and the source for this figure is a 2014 study by the publishedt bischof, by the russell sage foundation. that incomereveals segregation has grown rapidly in the last decade and particularly among blacks and hispanics families. and what is notable is that 1970as black americans in -- that is the purple line there -- it is probable, right -- i suffer from a little bit of
color blindness -- whereas black americans in 1970, black families in 1970 recorded the least income segregation -- follow the purple line -- they now register the highest income segregation. please note that we are talking here, we are talking here about residential segregation among black families of different income levels, not segregation between black and white families. and another way of talking about these trend lines is that they describe the extent to which the exposure of families to neighbors of the same race has changed over time. and although income segregation among lack families -- black families grew considerably in grew970's and 1980's, it
even more rapidly from 2000 to 2009 after slightly declining in the 1990's. and when considering a person's life trajectory or life chances, the differences in the quality of one's daily life between residing in a predominantly affluent neighborhood and a poor black neighborhood are huge. and it is important to note that families haveck blackmiddle-class, fewer middle-class neighbors than they had in 1970. indeed, the rising income segregation in the black community is driven oath by the group -- both by the growth of affluent blacks and the deteriorating conditions of poor blacks, which i will soon
discuss. update thedata earlier arguments that i developed in my book "the declining significance of race," first published in 1978, and they remind me of a recent book by robert putnam entitled "our kids: the american dream in crisis," published in 2015 i simon & schuster. now, according to putnam, although racial barriers to success remain powerful, they represent less burdensome impediment than they did in the 1950's. by contrast, class barriers in america today loom much larger than they did back then. and this is reflected not only in growing income inequality among all racial and ethnic
groups, as you see here, but ino increasing disparities many other aspects of well-being, accumulated wealth, class segregation across quality of primary and secondary education, and romans and highly selective highlys -- enrollment in selective colleges, and even life inspect -- expense of the. one of the major underlying themes, the changing significance of race and class on a black person's life trajectory has been extended to all u.s. racial and ethnic groups in putnam's book. i wish i could share these figures with donald trump, these
figures on changes in the black last structure with donald trump with donalducture trump, who talks about black americans as a monolithic group, which is a group that has made little project. he is quoted as saying that my communities are in the worst shape ever. there is no good news to talk about in the black community. and since i mentioned trump, i should say that racial tensions and the expression of racial antagonism seem to have increased after he decided to run for the presidency, which is probably one of the reasons, one of the reasons why the guy on that this is the worst time in the history of african-americans. now, this spike in racial tensions should not come as a big surprise.
we must understand that racial antagonisms are products of situations, political situations, economic situations, social situations. citizen givesy not understand the complex forces that have increased their economic woes, the declines in real family income, the rise in wage dispersion, changes in the global economy, industry relocation, and so on. economic insecurities create conditions that are breeding grounds, breeding grounds for racial and ethnic tensions, especially if exclusive populist messages exploit these fears. now, when i was writing my book "when work disappears,"
published in 1996, right-wing were more -- messages concerned with controlling whereashan immigrants, donald trump and his supporters highlighted the negative traits of immigrants and their threat to american society. booknted out in my 1996 that supporters of welfare reform on the political right implicitly communicated the view that blacks were undeserving of special treatment from the government and that their high rates of welfare were doomed to personal shortcomings, including a lack of work ethic. just as conservative republicans use these contentious messages, these contentious messages in
gaining control of the united states congress in the congressional election of 1994, too did donald trump employee a similar set of messages applied mainly to immigrants in his successful presidential campaign of 2016. but let me back to what i was saying about the good news and the bad news in the black community. and in order to keep things in proper perspective when talking about the relative gains of more privileged blacks, it is important not to overlook the continuing interracial disparities. for example, report from the center for economic and policy research reveals that before the great recession there was only a % difference in the
recentyment gap between lack and white college graduates, age 22 to 27. 2013, shortly after the economic downturn, they gap gap hadthey gap -- the surged to a 7.5% difference. now, race is obviously a factor at play here because historically the syrians during at -- periods immediately after downturns have adversely impacted blacks other than whites, and the issues involving these comparisons are complex. aside from the role of racial discrimination, whites with the same amount of schooling as blacks usually attended better high schools and colleges, and,
whenfore, have an edge employers rely on such criteria, especially during slack labor markets, that is, periods of higher unemployment. also researchers at the pew research center released data showing the median financial wealth of white households in 2013 exceeded that of black $131,000. by almost indespite sharp increases income inequality and income sedimentation among lacks, the internet -- blacks, the interracial disparities among lacks whites remain huge and should always be kept in mind when discussing and highlighting racialg intra differences. the said, and i repeat,
conditions of poor blacks have to generated overall since the death of martin luther king jr., while those of better-off blacks have improved, a blanket state that things are worse now than ever before is totally unwarranted. but skip gates asked me, also asked me if i am optimistic or pessimistic about the future of our people. so let me say that i am somewhat optimistic about the future of training and educated blacks, and, margaret, very pessimistic about the future of poorly cks.ated lacks. -- bla and before i elaborate on why i am pessimistic about the letitions of work blacks, me partly qualify my optimism about the future of trained and
educated blacks. and in so doing, i want to talk very briefly about the importance and continued need for affirmative action programs. research suggests that the white backlash against racial entitlements such as affirmative action contributed to the government's retreat from antidiscrimination policies during the 1980's. and many of the gains that trained and educated blacks contained in the 1970's were erased during the years of the reagan administration. now, it should not be surprising that waning support for affirmative action programs would have an adverse effect on african-americans in particular. for example, a number of empirical studies have revealed significant differences in the family background and neighborhood environment of blacks and whites that are
understated when standard conomics of socioe status is upon. family background. even when white parent and black dress report the same average income, white parents have substantially more assets than do black parents. and as i pointed out previously, whites with the same amount of schooling as blacks usually attended that are high schools and colleges. testermore, children's scores are associated not only with the socioeconomic status of also parents, but they are affected by the social and economic status of their grandparents. this means that it could take several generations before adjustments in socioeconomic inequality produced their full benefits. thus, if we were to rely solely
on the standard criteria for college admission in highly selective colleges and scores,ties, like sat even many children from black middle-income families would be denied admission in favor of middle-income whites who are weighed down by disadvantages and who tend to score higher on these conventional test. -- tests. for all these reasons, the success of younger educated blacks remains dependent on affirmative actions by where more excellent merits-based criteria of evaluation are used to gauge potential to succeed. now, implicit in this argument -- notice that i said flexible merits-based criteria of evaluation -- implicit in this argument is the view that the
remedy does not have to consist of numerical guidelines and quotas. the remedy can be a different set of criteria, a different set new,aluation criteria, more flexible, yet merits-based criteria that are more accurate than the conventional tests, engaging the actual potential of black americans to succeed. right. that captured such important attributes as perseverance, motivation, interpersonal skills , reliability and leadership qualities. so the policy implications are obvious. race-specific policies like affirmative action will be required for the foreseeable future to continue the mobility of educated blacks. but affirmative action programs
are not really designed to address the problems of the most disadvantaged and poorest people of poorest people of color, including those who live in impoverished inner-city ghettos. because of time constraints, let me focus on just a few things aboutake me pessimistic the future of poor blacks, beginning with their education in public schools. sociologist by the sean riordan and others reveals high proportions of black students or hispanic students typically have to have high students.s of poor though this finding suggests a strong association between residential segregation and achievement apps, the key to
mention driving this association is a proportion of students' classmates who are poor. indeed, a school's poverty rate could be a proxy for general school quality. schools with high poverty rates may have fewer resources overall, and we definitely need more research to help explain the impact of concentrated schools,n urban public and there are a number of factors to take into account. first of all, such schools may experience greater difficulty in attracting and retaining teachers.or skilled also the parents of students in the schools generally have fewer resources -- cultural capital and human capital -- that would be beneficial to their children fell academic achievement. this means schools with a higher percentage of poor students to do have a higher percentage of low performing students, which
may result in the school offering less advanced curricula. in other words, it may have an adverse impact on learning by structural and social processes in the classroom. moreover, a recent study by one of my colleagues, and i am quoting from the study, shows that residing in a severely disadvantaged neighborhood, cumulatively impedes the -- residing in a severely disadvantaged neighborhood cumulatively impedes the verbal ability of young children, which impedes school performance. plus, students from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to see a strong association between schooling and post school employment, and finally, you know, we have to factor in other conditions that are not usually associated with
school performance. but research suggests these factors are important. i have in mind, for example, the impact of lead contamination on poor children. in dilapidated buildings on school performance. the effect of home evictions on children's school performance. my harvard colleague matt desmond talks about that. the impact of the psychological trauma of witnessing a killing in your neighborhood on school performance. theseen you consider combined factors, is very difficult to deny the proposition that residential segregation and school association contribute to the achievement gap. what is not clear, how they are related and relative importance. since students tend to attend
schools relatively close to home, segregation is a major factor shaping patterns of school segregation. but we should carefully oftinguish between two types segregation we have set up. racial segregation and income segregation. those kinds of segregation in combination that are associated with poor performing schools. and this reminds me of the my formerf one of students at the university of southern california. sociologist and allen's. in a 2016 sociological -- american sociological review segregation of households with and without owens re-examines the
longitudinal data here on income resultsion and her revealed that families with had a much higher level of income segregation and childless couples. -- then childless couples. and she hypothesizes this is because families with children tend to seek out neighborhoods with the best schools. and i think this hypothesis incomeapplies to higher families within the black community as they try to escape neighbors with the poorest schools, neighborhoods in which poor blacks suffer the combination of income segregation and racial segregation. now, let me focus for a moment
on such neighborhoods to provide additional information on why i am increasingly pessimistic about the future of poor blacks. some of you are probably familiar with the story of the great migration of african-americans to northern cities in the first half of the 20th century. a brighterd to offer future away from the jim crow segregation itself. did, the great migration improve the quality of life for many african-americans, as reflected in the growth of working and middle-class families, as well as the significant reduction of poverty .verall but the great migration in did
in 1970. because industries in the factor cities, the major , and poor blacks black neighborhoods, particularly those in the northeast and midwest change from densely packed areas that had constantly seen the arrival of new migrants from the south to areas that gradually experienced depopulation. was causedpopulation by two developments that occurred simultaneously. migration of higher income blacks, a significant change i highlighted in my 1987
book "the truly disadvantaged" and the secession of black migration from the south, which meant the ranks of the higher income migrants were no longer being replenished with poor migrants flowing in. that these add depopulated black neighborhoods stand in sharp contrast to the densely populated hispanic neighborhoods. experience in to migration. symbolsof the marks or of these depopulated areas are abandoned buildings and vacant lots, brilliantly depicted in david simon's hbo show "the wire
," that margaret mentioned. by the way, when simon told me my book was an influence in writing season tuneup, man, i was walking around campus with a swagger. season two, man, i was walking around campus with a swagger. [laughter] depopulated: these areas also feature high rates of joblessness, and the increasing and prolonged joblessness, the poor families make adequateult to sustain levels of neighborhood social organization. this results in what a weakgists call institutional resource base. you see, it's easier for parents to control the behavior of the children in their neighborhoods when -- when a strong
institutional resource base exists. that is when the links between community organizations such as churches, schools, political organizations, businesses, and civic clubs are strong or secure. the density and stability of formal illicittions, the less activities such as drug trafficking, crime, prostitution, and the formation of -- of gangs can take root in the neighborhood. in highsite is true jobless neighborhoods with low social organization. parents and such neighborhoods have a much more difficult time controlling the behavior of their adolescence or preventing them from getting involved in activities detrimental to their social development, activities that spill over into the classroom and affect academic achievement. now, i should also point out
that some inner-city neighborhoods are improving. because of gentrification. there seems to be an increasing desire for many couples, especially younger, childless central to live in the city as opposed to the suburbs. and from the to suburbs are increasingly inconvenient, and many higher-paying and attractive jobs in creative industries and other growing sectors -- research, finance, and so on -- are available in the norm -- in a number of central city such as boston, new york, san francisco, and seattle. however, the cost of housing and rentals are increasing sharply in many of the cities and couples who are seeking modest
ready tommodation are relocate to inner-city neighborhoods or redevelopment -- where redevelopment projects are underway. as these neighbors gentrified, theurces improve, including creation of shopping centers and large grocery stores. moreover, as these neighborhoods become more desirable places to live, the cost of housing, taxes, and rental properties decrease, which results in the displacement of many low income residents who can no longer afford to live there. indeed, such developments have fueled the growth of suburban poverty. families --e entering suburbs i'm talking about -- low income families respond to the rising cost of living in the city by relocating
to peripheral areas young the urban corridors, areas that have seen rapid growth of concentrated poverty. yet while suburban poverty is 74%easing, three quarters, of high poverty neighborhoods and metro areas -- by high poverty, i mean neighborhoods with poverty rates of at least property --f high pot -- high poverty neighborhoods are located in big cities. low income for who are able to remain in inner-city neighborhoods that are gentrifying -- sometimes through abatementsies or tax -- definitely benefit from the improvements, but given the present political climate, i have no reason to feel that -- i have no reason to feel hopeful
that other any city -- perr-city neighborhoods, tick you early -- particularly those that continue to suffer , will improve in the future. thus to repeat -- whereas the future of privileged blacks, like the members of other privileged groups, look relatively good, the overall future of poor blacks looks very bleak indeed. -- nowhere is this more apparent than when you examine the plight of low skilled black males. the disproportionate number of low skilled lakh males in this of the legacies of historic segregation and discrimination. however, aside from the effects of current discrimination, including those caused by
employer bias, a number of dconomic forces have contribute to the incredibly low skill rate and correspondingly low incomes and these forces include changes in the relative demand for low skilled labor cost by the computer revolution, the globalization of economic activity. there are limited skills and education that are concentrated. given time constraints, i would like to focus on this last factor associated with low jobless rates, the gradual shift of manufacturing to service industries, and this shift, this shift has created a new set of problems for low skilled black males because those industries featured jobs that will require
workers to serve and relate to consumers. and in the study we conducted in chicago in the early 1990's whose findings are still very favored, many employers women and recent migrants of both genders who have come to populate the labor pool over lakh males for entry-level service jobs. perceived inner-city black males to be dangerous, threatening, in part because of their high incarceration rates. in the past, african-american men simply had to add a strong back and muscles laborhired for physical at a factory, a construction site, or on an assembly line. they interacted with peers and foreman, not with -- peers and
en, not consumers. now they have to search for work in the service sector where employers are not able to hire them because they are seen as lacking these soft skills that the jobs require. the tendency to maintain eye contact, the ability to carry on polite and friendly conversations with consumers, the inclination to responsive to consumer requests, however demanding or unreasonable they may seem. consequently, black male job seekers face rising risk of rejection and the combination of such attitudes combined with the social aspects
limit the access of poor black males to networks of people or acquaintances who can pass along information about employment prospects. and this is a notable problem for black males, especially considered that many low skilled employees first learned about their jobs through an acquaintance or were recommended by someone associated with the company. research suggests that only a small percentage of low skilled employees are hired through an advertised job opening. the importance of knowing someone who knows the boss is illustrated by this employer's comments -- this employer stated take a lookdden, i at a guy, and unless he has got an in, the reason i hired this
black kid, my neighbor said, yeah, i used them for a few days . he is good. i said, you know what? i am going to take a chance. but it was a recommendation. but other than that, i've got a walk in, and who knows? i think the most part, a guy sees a black male and he's a bit hesitant." such attitudes are classic examples of statistical discrimination. i prefer statistical discrimination instead of racial is grim and eight because the black employers in our samples also express a reluctance to hire inner-city black males. basically, the employers, with black and white make generalizations about inner-city and reachworkers decisions without reviewing the qualifications of an individual applicants. and that means that many
applicants are never given the opportunity to prove themselves. why is this such a problem for black males. -- black males question simply because employers believe women and recent immigrants of those genders are better suited than black males, especially those with prison records, for such as. these attitudes have been created by cultural shifts and attitudes that reflect concerns about the high rate of violence in the ghettos. in the eyes of many americans, black males symbolize of violence. thatries for law and order resulted in a dramatic increase in black male incarceration. the incarceration rates are very much directed to their high jobless rates. it is a vicious cycle.
being without a job can encourage illegal moneymaking activities to make ends meet, which increases the risk of incarceration, and upon risk from incarceration, a prison record carries a stigma in the eyes of employers and decreases the probability that an exit fender will bex-of rehired, resulting in the greater likelihood of more intractable joblessness, and forced to return to the low-wage sector, black males have to often unsuccessfully, with a growing number of female and immigrant workers, and if these men complain or otherwise manifest dissatisfaction, they are seen as even more unattractive to employers and therefore encounter even greater discrimination when they search for employment. and because of the feeling that
feelinner-city black males about their prospects, it is important to link these attitudes with the opportunity structure that is the spectrum available toes them in society at large. this brings me to the subject of black lives matter. the black lives matter movement has dramatically called policeon to violent encounters with blacks, especially young black males who, given their very circumstances, are more likely to have confrontations with the police. the negativeces associations they have garnered. aided by smartphones and social media, americans have become more aware of these incidences,
which very likely have occurred at a molar levels in previous decades -- similar levels in previous decades, but were under the radar, so to speak. however, i think it would be good to expand the focus of the movement to include groups that are not usually referenced when we discuss black lives matter. and i'm referring to ordinary residents who are often innocent intims of criminal offenses poor inner-city neighborhoods and have called for more police protection, not less. areto repeat, these people usually not referenced when we talk about black lives matter. and in this connection, i recall a conversation i had several with a mother who
resided in one of the poor inner-city neighborhoods on chicago felt southside. a a gangt bullet from fight had killed her son, who was not a gang member. and she sadly lamented that his in any ofnot reported the chicago newspapers, not on tv, not on radio, not in electronic edf. and i distinctly remember her saying -- not in electronic media. and i distantly remember her saying, no one cared, mr. wilson, that my son was killed. no one cared. out previously, when income segregation is coupled with racial segregation, low income blacks cluster in neighborhoods that feature disadvantages along several dimensions, including exposure to violent crime. take a look at this video. which captures this graphically.
blacks aged 12 and over were only marginally more likely than affluent blacks to be violent crime victims. per 10005 and 38 individuals respectively. however in 2008, poor blacks were far more likely to be violent crime victims about 75 affluent blacks were less likely to be victims of violent crime, about 23 per 1000. and violent crime -- violent crime can reach extraordinary inner-cityhe poorest black neighborhoods. that is why david simon's "the wire" was such an important show. because he captured this violence.
example in the walkie, wisconsin, where 46% of in pooramericans live black neighborhoods, blacks are nearly 20 times more likely to be shot than a white person and nine times more likely to be murdered. some people are reluctant to talk about the high murder rate because, one, it might distract our attention from the sessions about police violence around blacks and it can provide criminal justice -- question about criminal justice reform efforts. but the author of the book 2014to side," published in , asserts the relatively low
priority placed on solving the high murder rate in poor inner-city neighborhoods as reflected in the woefully inadequate resources provided to homicide detectives struggling to solve killings in those areas represents one of the great moral failings of our criminal justice system and our society. poor,, the thousands of grieving african-american families whose loved ones have been killed 10 to be disregarded or ignored even by the media. and even though the nation's consciousness has been aroused they be repeated attacks of police brutality against blacks, the problems of public space pilots seen in the extraordinary distress seen that many poor families experience in the killing of a family member or close relative also
deserves attention. and the use of the phrase "the other side of black lives matter," coined by my former help and create such an awareness. "the other side of black lives matter." , close myt end when i wroteying, "the bridge over the racial which was published by the university of california i was hopeful we could create a climate in the united states that could lead to hownstructive dialogue on problems assisted with the disappearance of work among certain segments of our population can be addressed, including problems that resolve
violence that traumatizes residents. despite the fact that such problems tend to be more severe in poor inner-city neighborhoods , i nonetheless felt they should isolation,d not in but as part of a more general dialogue, which focuses on the concerns of ordinary americans, poor working the and middle classes of all groups share, including concerns about crime in their neighborhoods. declining real wages. unemployment.nd escalating medical and housing costs. and the availability of childcare programs.
and i also argued in my 1999 book that programs created in response to these concerns, despite being race neutral, would disproportionately benefit the jobless core, but also the other segments of the population including the white population. the framers of this message should be cognizant of the fact , while oftenoups seen as adversaries, are potential allies in a reform coalition because they suffer from a common problem -- economic distress caused by forces the aunt -- outside of their control. and this argument is as true today as it was when i wrote "the bridge over the racial divide" in 1999, and it is being
repeated by some observers in the u.s. postelection analysis and debates, including those who maintain the democrats' emphasis on identity politics and attempt to mobilize people , women, immigrants, and lgbt community tended to ignore the problems of poor white americans. and one notable exception, they pointed out was bernie sanders, progressive, a unifying populist economic message, in the democratic primaries, a message that resonated with a significant segment of the white lower and working-class populations. however, sanders was not the democratic nominee and donald trump was able to capture notable support from this
population with a divisive, not unifying, populist message. so, i end this lecture by once again returning to some of the basic arguments represented in my 1999 book "the bridge over the racial divide." and i hope you don't mind if my closing comments sound more like those of a public intellectual than a scholar, but in the age of trump , these comments are even more relevant and important. because the problems of social theuality began between expanding have-nots and halves growing more severe, a vision that acknowledges racially the needproblems and for appropriate race specific remedies, but at the same time emphasizes the importance of that share solutions
problems is more important now than ever. a new democratic vision must viewt the commonly held that race is so divisive that whites, blacks, latinos, asian-americans, native americans cannot work together in a common cause. those articulating the new vision must realize that if a political message is tailored to a white audience, people of color drawback, just as whites draw back when a message is .ailored to a racial minority the challenge is to find issues that concern all racial and ethnic groups so they can honestly perceive each will interest and join in a multiracial coalition to move
america forward. i cling to this vision. i cling to this vision in my efforts to overcome a feeling of for the plight of the inner-city poor. thank you for being so attentive. [applause] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2017] that you missed any of conversation with william julius wilson, you can what you any time on our website at c-span.org.