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tv   Inter- American Dialogue Annual Development Bank of Latin America Conference...  CSPAN  September 5, 2019 8:32pm-10:01pm EDT

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were charged with being racist, they said, "i'm not racist," and today even white nationalists not racist," no matter if they are in the white house or planning the next mass shooting. >> at 11:00, former defense secretary jim mattis recounts his military career and thoughts on leadership in his book "call lead." os: learning to watch booktv this weekend on c-span2. >> what is your vision in 2020? asking what issue do you most want to see presidential candidates addressed during the campaign. is the opposition for middle and high school students with 100,000 dollars in total cash prizes at stake, including a $5,000 grand prize. units are asked to produce a short video documentary, include
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c-span video, and reflect differing points of view. information to help you get started is on our website, >> next, experts from latin america and facebook's corporate office discuss the role social media and messaging platforms played in recent political unrest in venezuela and brazil. they also look at the responsibilities of the companies who operate these platforms to prevent widespread misinformation. this is an hour and 25 minutes. >> good morning. buenos dias. i'm glad to see that most of you
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survived last night. we have a tremendous panel this morning and a great subject. it's not news to say that the change, facing times of uncertainty. the liberal order we were accustomed to is fraying. nationalism and populism are on the rise. geopolitics is back. thecracies have been on rise. liberal democracy has been on the defensive in many ways. latin america is no stranger to those trends. marks the last year 40th anniversary of the beginning of the third wave of what set me hunting to an called the third wave of democratization, and latin america was a big protagonist of
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dictatorshipfrom as the predominant form of government to democracy. in the last couple of years, we in thed many elections region and i think two things stand out. one is a return of populism and by populism, i mean a kind of a leaderp in which uniques to be a relationship with the people, defined as the leader likes to define them and is contentious of other forms of checks and balances and so forth.
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in general, there has been a weakening of the broad thoseatic center, and election results correspond to a sense of disillusion amongst voters in latin america. these elections took place against a background that was not only propitious -- on the one hand, let me give you some numbers. from 2005 to 2013, latin america taken as a whole group -- group -- grew economically at an average rate of 4% to from 2013 to 2019, it would have grown less than 1%, which means a small shrinkage. latin america represents 8% of the world's population and sees
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33% of its murders. crime is another big concern. and then we have corruption. as you all know, there have been a series of very prominent, publicize, and egg corruption -- big corruption scandal spirit on top of that, you have to add another factor, which will be the subject of the next panel, which is the entrance of social media, the corrosive influence of social media in undermining and agreed national narrative based on facts, and i think is a factors explain what worrying divorce between voters and their concerns on the one hand and political systems and political leaders on the other. , if you look in the world context where has been what some people call a
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democratic recession over the , latinzen years or so americans are two clear cases of democracies having become dictatorships, venezuela and nicaragua. elsewhere, democracy has held up , with all the caveats that i've mentioned. i think what we should focus on is the quality of those democracies and their ability to generate effective democratic governance and the changes latin americans want. have auss this, we fantastic panel. president of costa rica, before that vice president, minister, tc.
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in a very distinguished mexican journalist -- and a very distinguished mexican journalist. i think it is accurate to call mostn institution in the distinguished form of the word. she teaches at a university in mexico city and set up a project called the mexico media lab. because brazil is much less well-known than it ought to be, you probably have not heard of brazil's answer to the new yorker but better. it has been going for a dozen
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was the so, and daniela .tar reporter and writer editor-in-chief of a magazine in brazil. and another institution the best sense of the word, having run of latin america program idea, which is not actually an .dea it is the international -- >> institute for democracy and electoral assistance. >> which has done a lot of work in latin america on electoral assistance, on helping to make sure that elections are properly
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thein latin america, and on whole, they still tend to be, and that is something we should value. the brains behind the province of cordoba in argentina -- he is also the brains behind the province of cordoba in argentina. we have a great panel. we have two microphones where in due course, you can ask headsets. and we have to her stickers will speak in spanish, two in english. speakers will talk in spanish. ask daniel to start us off by giving us a very concise summary of what we should take away from these elections.
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[speaking spanish] translator: [inaudible] me to beleasure for here in front of such a high-quality audience and also great panelists. as michael already said, i don't think there is a better moment for us to put our finger on the pulse of what has taken place in latin america. this is a region in which we can say that pretty much everything is happening. in addition to the 40th year beginning ofnd the a democratic way of milestones that were very important, we are at the end of what was called a decade of latin america. you may recall the idb president said in june of 2010, welcome to
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the american decade. we closed the decade at 1.6% growth. that is the imf forecast. we're talking about a decade characterized by among other things anemic growth and at the same time, we are at the end of what i call the super electoral cycle, super cycle of elections, which i define as 50 presidential elections that have been or will be held years from 2017 to 2019. of these 15 elections, 12 have already been held. .hree will be held in october the broad front after three consecutive periods, 15 years in
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power, and seeking a fourth consecutive mandate. the super cycle left three countries out -- peru, the dr, .icaragua elections were held before 2017. the region has been part of this super cycle of elections. something else i would say about this, this takes place in a very adverse context fraught with challenges in addition to anemic growth as we point out social inest and also malaise politics which was made worse by things that michael pointed out -- corruption, crime, organized fatigue ofthere is democracy.
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support of democracy has been sinceng, the lowest point 2001 when it started to be d.asure satisfaction went from 44% to 24% -- that is, satisfaction with democracy. whichoxic environment in it has taken place, and a little footnote here, every time we speak of latin america, we have to do so in five minutes. we make the mistake of not underscoring the diversity, heterogeneity in the region. not all countries are the same. for other aspects of it like to refer to, the super electoral cycle characterized with what i have called the vote of anger. there is a clear vote of anger rejecting official ruling
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parties of elections that have been held. ecuador and costa rica and in paraguay, there was continuity, by electionsforced fraught with fraud and electoral irregularities. so we have a clear trend toward .hange of power we're talking about people who have spoken out against traditional parties, populist in nature, symbol of fighting solutions to very complex on showingocusing themselves off as messiahs who will do away with problems in short order. we do not have sufficiently
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strong institutions to really these excesses most are minority governments, a president that does not have majority support of his party in the congress. mexico being the exception. he has majority in both houses, and it was a landslide victory which he won, but there are others that do not have such support in congress, so we are seeing greater fragmentation of the political parties. -- and we seee another problem here. there are challenges in governance owing to a lack of support in the congress and difficulties for creating congress to get the support for the necessary reforms and other things the executive would want to push through. and reshaping of the political map.
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latin america, especially south from centralgoing left from central left government to center-right governments, and we started to say this is a cyclical change now. i think it is too soon to say that because in mexico and costa ,ica and then panama ultimately, we will have to see what is going to happen. what is going to happen in uruguay? we have to be cautious here. bells to just ring the say we're seeing a shift toward the center-right, but we are
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going to have a region with a greater degree of political heterogeneity. the jury is out on this. we will have to wait for the street elections that i think are important to get a more accurate understanding of what is happening. >> thank you very much. let's come back to argentina because i think there will be a lot of interest in that. if a likely defeat is a special case for new trend. the united nations commissioner of human rights says there has been a shrinking of civil and democratic space in brazil in the eight months of the government of olson aro -- bol sonaro.
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some say they thought there had already been a reverse of democracy in brazil. is that right? tell us how you see it and how worrying is the outlook for democracy in brazil. >> good morning. thank you for having me here. sayink it is early to democracy in brazil is under threat. i think there is something very , androus happening there it's all about the way populations are feeling these changes. for example, it was not paulson onaro who said burn
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the amazon, but he fired the scientists who just came up with the figure about the burning. are is a sign that you allowed or entitled to do whatever you want. bolsonaro said his policy for security is shoot people, that if you are a , thenal, you will be shot security guard, the guy who was a guy whol, and basically needs to take care of people in a shopping mall, but now he is entitled to do whatever he wants.
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it happened to me recently in rio where i'm based. lunch with someone from "the new yorker." he was there to write a book. we heard a noise, some guy was running -- a black eye, and a policeman was running -- a black guy -- and a policeman was running. we realized what was happening. we heard someone say he's not a criminal, who works in a supermarket nearby. what hethe policeman was doing, and he said, "go wash your dishes." this to me is a sign uof bolsonaro's era.
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we know the region. we know how this class thing is. wasuritan times, it impossible to imagine a policeman talking to someone like this. when you empower the mall security guard, you open a pandora's box. ishink brazil's parliament trying to steal this bastion of power, and they are reshaping the rules of the game. for example, bolsonaro, one of his main ideas was to approve this law that makes it easier for ordinary citizens to buy guns. the parliament's response was and fast and decidedly no, you cannot do that.
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the brazilian institutions are working, but there is still a hope that the economics are , but there's no particular sign that it will happen. had a other hand, people , he wouldse agenda destroy everything the past governments did. the left didout if that, we are going to do the opposite. we could not understand or lsonaro which country bo
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has in mind. given his strategy of destroying, it is not something you know. it does not mean you have an idea of the future. we are in very troubled times. my field, we are suffering with economic pressures from the government because unfortunately, brazilian media is still very dependent from public money, advertising, and every thing. for example, the magazine i worked for, we are very critical to pull in aro -- very critical to bolsonaro, and since february, we did not get any advertising, but we are the largest media group in the
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country, so we're doing ok. is functioning as a check on the president. on the face of things, the supreme court justice ruled that the state financial investigation party collapsing should not investigate suspicious payments involving one of bolsonaro's sons. is that a sign of a general weakening of the independence of the supreme court or not? >> the supreme court decided to undermine an investigation of one of the guys, the main guys
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involved in [indiscernible] with something more linked a specific judge in the court. the idea, the feeling we need to believe in the institution is the the other option military, who are backing bolsonaro from the beginning. for us it's very hard to understand their thoughts and intentions. his vice president did brilliant media training.
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got attention and very good he wasn brazil, but expelled -- or was not expelled, spanish] [speaking he praised one of the biggest in brazil. with his thoughts about .onservatives
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>> thank you very much. it's a lot to come back to. on the face of things, he is quite moderate. he has said he will maintain discipline, for example. many people in mexico are worried about the way he is changing the state and turning of state into an instrument his own power. are we right to worry about that? afters your balance sheet nine months? >> first, thank you for having just a position on fact checking because longer wor
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decided to sell its investment in mexico and i left when that happened. journalistecovering in that sense. to be on theble sideline of the coverage of the presidency. worrisome foris the fact that we are looking reallylitician that wants to do a solo act. being anown for [indiscernible] prone country. organization, not a political party, an organization called morena.
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i am speaking in english because that is the way we would divide the panel. is -- ena >> [speaking spanish] mexico, i have jewish friends, myself, everybody is very much guarded by the morena. we are all morena in that sense. also out ofs morena the colors in mexico which has been at the forefront of lately. race is and color, brought back to the forefront of the manussion because
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who is now the president is clearly very tied to deep-rooted social logical -- sociological debate in mexico. that went untold. now we are facing those on a daily basis. democratics of the institutions that were built, yesterday we had a conversation about 1994. and going back to what you were signaling, the 40 years of democratic wave, 30 years of economic reform, 40 years of democratic reform. now i get it. we are in the middle of a midlife crisis. and that midlife crisis is being
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deeply felt in mexico. the president is indeed very popular. investors within the entrepreneurial inss, but he is very popular the rest of the country. he has three problems that one has to look at. ,he first one is his security the criminal element has grown in this nine months very clearly. kidnaps up, more than 15%, murderedp, woman being femenicidios, is a
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worrisome phenomenon, and it is part of the problems that are growing. the economy is not growing. we are at zero and me -- zero means zero. michael: the president says he has other -- rossana: time and again that he has other information but since zero iss, 0 -- mayas, zero. >> [laughter] rossana: we have become the number one trading partner of the u.s. that is because of china and .hatever a geopolitical scheme but we are number one. many of thens
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investments, multinational investments done in mexico are solid and growing, because they have to substitute some of the things that were bought in china. the third element that i want to put in front of the audience and have a larger conversation here or outside of the scenario is polarization. polarization, i think it is a trait that is in all of our societies, but from the mexican view, mexican nice is the mexican nice. it is worrisome because we have become a polarized society. time and again the fact that from the president pulpit, there
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is a lot of name-calling towards the media. i am no longer part of established institution, a media institution. the fact you were referring to, using the presidential or the government budget on a very manner to either make somebody that is in his definition an enemy of the people, have you heard that? an enemy of the people suffer or somebody that is on the side of his >> [speaking spanish] usualhas become the standard practice. also polarization in terms of
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what i was referring to, race and color of the skin. spaniards to the send us a note saying that they are sorry that they conquered mexico. and he refers to people accordingly to the color of their skin, our skin. and so some people are good and are part of the people and some others are not. depends on the color of the skin. and the conservative factors that he also ties to being part of [speaking spanish] that can be either economic, , were being part of previous governments. servants have suffer as
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they did in the state because they had to represent somebody saying thattantly everything that happened before him -- he came to power was part of corrupt scheme. that most of the people that were related to the institutions ,hat were built from the 1990's the two decades of the 21st century, have to be scrapped with the competitiveness institutions, the access to information institutions, the the [speakinglike
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spanish] traitconstruction is a that can also be linked to this moment. we will talk about what the construction means goods there are interesting things that can be constructed with this majority. michael: wonderfully clear. theou have spoken about issues of governance in latin america as a whole. what do you think, how worrying the situation is? in termsul it might be of the ability of latin america to develop better governance and the rule of law and so forth? i have to denounce our moderator.
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me louda andd call not former president because that is the worst presentation letter that you can have nowadays in latin america inc. vice president. it is a great pleasant -- pleasure to be in the company of these wonderful, excellent colleagues. here in a very windy situation, not only meteorological he speaking but also -- meteorologically speaking globally. looking at this panorama picture that daniela shows as clearly and we had to that analysis of the two largest democracies in latin america, being brazil and mexico and as a consequence very much tend to expand which is
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established in the region. precisely this highly turbulent times confirm that situation. the hurricane tends to express itself with greater strength and force where it is unleashing its self in the cases of this will a and nicaragua -- venezuela and nicaragua. there is no doubt those gusty winds are battering the entire region equally. democracies and those of us that post of greater stability like my small costa rica may not be suffering in one way or the other as a result of this situation where it is we can go to the democratic variables. i would like to add something more in terms of the perception us,aniela what she has told
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to go into some institution of and somens and ideas of the notions regarding the political culture. as regards to what daniela told us, she referred to a group, a series of toxic variables. i would add one more which in one way or the other comes to explain in many instances the deterioration that the presidential figure is undergoing despite the fact many of these leaders have been elected only a few months back. that theit is true people have had ever more negative feeling and understanding about democracy is self and the functioning of the institutions, they will pay the price. the political parties themselves.
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within this electoral cycle as she told us, it was a vote of punishment. it was loud speaking. many patients -- people did want to change. they didn't know exactly what for but they acknowledge they want change. the expectations and government in accordance to the latino barometer grew up tremendously in those countries. they felt the future of the country would become better. now on a downward trend. they have made an adjustment which would be 0.6%. these were the highest expectations. some of the highest we may recently the region very weer be with that
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ak economic growth. quite drastic, but that is one country perhaps where the president and the exception in this case in their mandates clearly debilitated and ofrefore we see that times turbulence are before us. let us move back to the institution of the topic. we tend to center and are concerned with a type of leadership which is indeed important and no doubt that populism is not a circumstantial situation. in costa rica it is a structural element which is substantial to policy. hand with hand and another of the evils playing
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with this, populism, which samesely go along the pattern but is also a matter of concern the institutions continue to show high levels of weakening. the people have not received the vaccine against the will to elect populist leaders as we are seeing in democracies, people are going behind the leadership at least in the case of some democracies, the institutions managed to oppose. [indiscernible] and the leadership where the institutions, despite the very thing managed to subsist. they will think the ravaged the institutions. they become established
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virtually in power. they conduct reforms. the people never manage to get out of them. as a consequence the effects are devastating. 30 me quote the most recent of the economic form. the institutional killer regarding competitiveness, when regis the coast of latin america -- it reaches the coast of latin america [indiscernible] the very same level of those of sub-saharan african. after 40 years of age democratic spring, it is a shame. it is terrible we find ourselves in that situation. we continue to grapple with problems where we have problems legal fairness, security
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and let move back to the strengthening of the public ministries, the judges, having greater independence, all of procedures of reforms and the results and decline in the level -- we continue to have tremendous lacks. we have governments which are weakened, having serious -- lems with the democracy we have that rigidity of the presidential systems where we are buying less people wager to the locations of the president but the way in which the elections have been designed it is truly suicidal. let us see the case of el salvador and we have an exceptional thing in the present.
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el salvador, elections to congress go back many years before the president took office. now we have someone who doesn't have a legislative majority. whenever we see what has been happening in france, it is the other way around. to cook -- strengthen consensus and forge ahead in decision-making, despite the fact we see strengthening of the judiciary, it is something positive, we are concerned they may exceed their mandate. which judicial powers define the rules on the fly along with -- such as what has happened in brazil recently. where coedbranches ministering costa rica and columbia five way of -- there we have a tremendous task as regards the relationship of the
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public, branches of government, , butdential systems determine those challenges from costing itselfof the administration. i would like to go to it by telling you the way in which we latin americans bend to make the rule -- to shun it. here i referred to the political culture, not just [indiscernible] especially the latino barometer is telling us and [indiscernible] proportion continue to see corruption, they can solve the problems. the number of latin americans continue to agree to order rather democracy and their [indiscernible] formalistic vis-a-vis
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social change makes it whenever we grapple with a challenge we go into the constitution with new legislation and would never , which isoing back the most important thing. the development and political cultures that was indeed much stronger. eventually everything will depend on the will of the people. is there were the future will -- it is there were the future will be defined. michael: gordon brown [speaking spanish] rule of law, the first 500 are the most difficult ones. we are approaching that, aren't we? 40 years is indeed nothing.
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so what we have heard is actually extremely clear how things are changing. we will be talking about that. danielle, tell us about argentina. argentina -- let's assume for -- what of argument changes is that going to mean for argentina and the region in two minutes? >> [speaking spanish] >> [laughter] >> [speaking spanish] >> [laughter] >> i do believe there is a very high probability they will have
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a punishment vote and indeed this is an important development . laura was telling us this. argentina which has been having that situation of tremendous economic locks had a weakening in this open and mandatory whichon, type of election have been distorted, but [indiscernible] -- leftt round would be argentina and the situation of brutal liability. why is this? because an election which is an institutional process -- fernandez continues to be a candidate, tremendous political power and seen as the next president.
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so the virtual president-elect, institutionally something changed. who continues to be the president -- destroyed his political capital and therefore generated a summation of anger against the mediocrity. panic vis-a-vis the possible arrival of alberto fernandez. all of that is in the scheme of tremendous political weakness which places argentina in the situation of unstable equilibrium. wehas to do with a lot of -- have to deal with the fragility of these systems. i believe what people want to know, what is your viewpoint as to whether, supposing the fernandez -- a return to the
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past or will this be something new? >> i think it is impossible to go back to the past. it was the element for the campaign to polarize this other tendency that the panel was discussing. they thought if christina came bet fernandez christina would not be going back to the tot and converting argentina new venezuela. this because of a clear political reality in argentina tried to reach regional context also changed. a heavy water of money trying to make investments. -- administration that will come in with tremendous economic weakness. i don't think they have a majority in both houses, not. context is truly
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different. what would be the consequence of bolsonaro, we have already -- the example of fernandez, they could review were revived the possibility of staying in america. we would like to see what the policy of interactive agreement in the region, but the last reelection will be paramount not just in argentina but also those in bolivia and peru way. we will see what happens. it is not clear yet. bolsonaro's approval rating is below 80%. unlike lopez over door, we shall see -- lopez obrador, we shall see. won because of the collapse of the center in brazil and after 15 years of rule by
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widet, there was a very spread sense in brazilian society of rejection to the pt. my question is that center which scapegoaty ways, the for all of the feelings of brazil, corruption, do you see the possibility of rebuilding that center or is brazil condemned to a politics and polarization between the kind of bolsonaro type projects and return of the pt? this are athink clear response from the population about this weird or crazy bolsonaro behavior and statements. it is not something that we can attribute to economy or a political decision.
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it is something personal. this is something that i think we need because yes, we all here are talking about we are navigating in turbulent times learn or comed to up with new ideas and behaviors, but something that i think, i was thinking about when the president was talking, first of all we need to keep our sanity. we have been here for a long time, me as a journalist, i am doing that for almost 30 years. these people, they come and go. thinkd to talk to them i because i feel many times [speaking portuguese] bolsonaro mimics
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everything trump does like tweet like crazy, his ministers with crazy things. his sons do terrible things that go on social media. and i realized us as journalists, we are completely surrounded by this noise and distractions. we are not seeing the real importance and relevance. i remember a month ago we signed up this huge and important agreement with european union. magazine,nd no [speaking portuguese] aboute the trip was bolsonaro tweets, blah blah blah, his minister did that. wasn't an agreement that was being negotiated for 10
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years. so it is crazy. 20, 20 years. we allow this happen? bringlost and we need to us together, bring our energy together and talk on the important things. think it isnter, i very complicated and very early a politicalo figure years.o for the next 33 but it is crazy. it is known months and we have -- nine months and we feel we are in this debate five years that only nine. party, tv show who hene of the guys
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very friends with the former president, who is here in the board of the past, because his stepfather used to be the minister. , the saoanother name paulo governor. he is a kind of -- michael: isn't he a bolsonaro lite? daniela: they are struggling now but in the beginning he was supporting him. so it is a wealthy man with a very liberal agenda and he comes the windowepends on of opportunity. so the names are enough on the table because it is too early, but one thing we know is the last, it is completely lost. it is impossible to think about
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force,al of a leftist the man from the jail insists in control. all of the political tests from his jail, which is crazy because people need to reorganize themselves for the sake of the politics, the political environment. michael: it is a very dynamic situation we will have to watch closely. you have said this is a very personal project in mexico, of the president. nearays render in a place mexico city, beautiful village, there is a street called calle
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[speaking spanish] which was the slogan under which the mexican revolution was launched. francisco madero relaunched that slogan is one of the heroes of .prah's -- lopez obrador isn't a bridge too far or not necessarily to change the election? rossana: we'll see. he has said he will not seek reelection. but you remember george bush father, read my lips, i will not raise taxes. --n you are saying that protest too much. we will see what happens in 2024. honestly he is his [speaking on
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spanish] towards a political change that has some construct of points and i wanted to stress those now. he is looking into the south of mexico. these he indeed can raise areas, the standards of living in those spaces, it will help a lot the country. it will mean in a quality and poverty -- inequality and poverty is addressed differently. if the thief, let's go back to ambassador, a career diplomat, said yesterday. the root causes of the
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migration, coming from central , are somehow considered in the development plans that both mexico and other spaces in the world look towards and hopefully the u.s. eventually will get to its senses and come regiond be a part of the in a more constructive way. if that is to happen, that is very, very constructive, also for the region. thathe fiscal discipline, the underestimate the fact we have an autonomous central-bank since the 1990's and that institution has not been rattled. it has been criticized by the
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president, but so has the federal reserve here. president that are very strong do not like reserve banks because they do what they do, and they should keep on doing it, take care of the macroeconomics. said, the direct democracy that is, the direct democracy is not turned into manuel's father exercise but another exercise of direct democracy that we are looking in to because the president is very that, could maybe through social media or other mechanisms could give voice to people that felt not listened to. and going back to the political
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culture, if we change that as a as aty that is subdivided mexican society, and the people listened, for and that very well strengthened -- strengthens democracy in mexico. michael: [speaking spanish] >> when we hear him speak, there is no doubt that he seems to have a direct line of communication here. he has the ability to speak to and be understood by the people of mexico. what about non-populist democrats, the blood center, how can they rekindle ties and
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direct connection? do you have any recommendations on those lines? [speaking spanish] >> without a doubt, the mechanisms are important. the way to communicate or leaders mitigate are important. i can't speak with authority to the mistakes he made, great communicators of the region -- the great communicators in the region, chavez from venezuela, you may recall both represented diametrically opposed world worth -- worldviews that were very effective. oftentimes it is not so much but how convey or say you do it. people react to the way a
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message is expressed. i believe from the standpoint of response,nges, democratic outlooks, we have to think of the effectiveness of communicating how to communicate. can't lose sight of that and certainly from that standpoint, there are great opportunity for politicians. it is true, they avail themselves of social media and now have direct challenge communication. leaders, thet the use social networks and tv. digital technology, as it was said, offer a huge possibility for communication but build citizenship, because it is not
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just a one-way channel, it is two ways channel communication that goes back to the politician that has to be wise enough to listen to what they don't like and it just to demand expressed to them. one of the things you see happening in the region, something about this, ray of hope, where are these rays of hope pointed, you have to look at the transportation in latin social because of networks. that is a great opportunity to bring fresh breath, shed light .n the decision-making process that is important. that is it really we can't overlook the importance of content and that is where i am concerned because it is not just a matter of the means of communication but the content. that is where we have failed.
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they are being so radical. -- we haveor the ourselves to be radical in defending democracy otherwise we will not be heard, this moderation. we are accustomed to has been sidelined by the din of social media. make,comment i wanted to in thencerned that present economy doesn't allow for moderation. is in this seeing discussion about being effective communicators, it is being used only to polarize people.
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and there is something that is polarizing latin america, it is religion. agenda and human rights as it is tied in to human , wets, the general assembly have seen this covered, certain aspects of the american system itself, freedom of expression, on that occasion trying to, we see an attempt to rein in human rights. as new the court, as far generation rights. that is where we have to really attention to the content of political discourse. michael: [speaking spanish] i know i am concerned about that as well. what i would like to do now because we have only 15 minutes left, we have all been patiently
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listening, let's hear your questions. yourselves, come up to the microphones. and let us know if you are asking a general question or given panelist, two or three questions. we will take two or three at the same time. >> i am from argentina. i have a question i would like to ask. i would like to know what you think about this process we observed in the u.s. first presidency, trump's is detached from what is happening in latin america. my sensation is there are some things in latin america, people you think are his followers like bolsonaro.
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much money has been given money -- given by the imf to argentina which now is in default. what is happening with trump? that is what i would like to have you address in the context of democracies. he is not interested in latin america. we are not hearing any messages of growth, sustainability or making sure the u.s. becomes different vis-a-vis latin america. does trump understand that america? >> i am from nicaragua. i have a cost that question regarding corruption and the role it is playing in the region and affecting organized crime and weakening the institutions. i know costa rica has been dealing with all of the problems we have been happening -- having at the massive migrations. i wanted to see it as like in
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other conferences it has been spoken about like the cancer of the region. if you see a way of how to tackle it and get rid of corruption once and for all to see the real prosperity are region deserves. michael: one more. >> [speaking spanish] >> what can be done from the standpoint of international organizations, coordination across such organizations to support democracy in the region? this is a worrisome problem. lots of times it might be viewed as meddling. supporting this or that regime. if you look at the conflict with thorough and macron in france --
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bolsonaro and macron in france. can the national support be effective, what are the effective strategies and when are they not effective? in strengthening democracies in the region? michael: choose which ones you want to answer. i leave the trump question to them to answer. i just want to talk about the challenge to be overlooked. the issue of crime. triangle ishern being hard-hit by this. to say there is some hopeful situations. the five or six years, crime rates have gone down in
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nicaragua and other countries. we see also high rates of reduction of murder. but i have yet to see a study that seeks to understand why that actually happened. we have a number of working democracies, none of which are substantiated so we have this huge challenge of a great opportunity for us to understand what have we done differently? can has worked so that we rally our efforts beyond that which has already succeeded. the northern triangle in nicaragua is the closest as far as the number of deaths we have seen, violent crime. this is a region that calls for priority attention. what is happening, we got the institutional deterioration that has resulted from the penetration or capture, takeover of organized crime.
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the start of the international community for democracy, i speak a lot about this in programs like this. the most successful thing i have seen the last years of investments made our programs, investments to bolster the rule of law, the administration of justice, anything that goes towards showing up strengthening the process, that is what works. you have to ensure impunity isn't a given. something can be done against corruption or something will be done so we have to reform, overhaul justice to go towards an adversarial system, to give to the prosecutor's office and career judge, career judgeships. no, he does not understand
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latin america or care for it. he watches fox news, and the four mexican countries get under his skin. part, anertainly was important part of his looking presidential. when hewrote about that was not considered to be an option. let's not forget about where it comes from. he is clearlyt not accompanied by professionals which were there at the beginning because the u.s. had invested in professionals, diplomats, and foreign, civil wellce types that meant for their country and for the
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relationship, but many have left because this is again a precedent -- president we are -- but this is as close as you get to this in this country. let me briefly touch upon mike pence and evangelicals. this is something we have talked about. lauracent element that has pointed out, in brazil, making evangelicals are their claims of political -- claims a political problem. they did so [no audio]
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church andition of state that were each on its own space, and we will see that changing. michael: very good. can the international press on brazil in terms of democracy, human rights, can it be helpful or does it -- daniela: i think we should speak out loud about everything that happens there because people are so overwhelmed and lost in the middle of this noises and everything. it is important, and i think international media is covering them very well, but i would love to ask something to your point about the evangelicals because i evangelical voters are
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probably the strongest power, they have a very large political power nowadays in brazil. during thened elections, when people here in the media mostly didn't know how to address the west virginia people and then they say, chucked when the maps become red , so we can't and we don't know how address ever -- evangelicals in brazil. as a press i am saying that and likeicians are, were atheists are catholics, they don't know either. it is always with this vision as on them,ze vision something like they are not important or ignorant, because
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they gave money to the shepherd. [no audio] understand and make them part of -- [no audio] >> thank you. [speaking spanish] ,> coordinator of the tax force women's leadership, i would like to congratulate the organizers given aconference, great representation of women on the different panels. [applause] this should not surprise us that there are such talented women
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who can be a part of the discussion, an important panel, .ut it is worth mentioning this we are not going back to the kitchen. now as far as the topic of democracies and the last elections we have seen, my question is for daniel. who is been working hard on this subject matter but also for our female colleagues, panelists as far as the systems and proposals for electoral reform leading to greater parity in the region. some countries have made more progress than others, mexico and others, costa rica have surpassed 35%. the question is what is happening in brazil that has the lowest female representation
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where the system is not working? seems like no one is even talking about the topic. what about the regional analysis? what is your analysis? [speaking spanish] >> the bad news is latin america will avert from this without one single woman president. the next presidential photo for latin america is going to be a 19th century one, not a 21st century one in that there will not be women. there will be vice president, progress has been made in the congresses, but we have long had to have a priority between -- we want a better quality democracy, that democracy has to have greater parity. this is an important aspect
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worthy of highlighting. michael: let me just say three things that i have taken from this discussion. firstly that we should not therestimate the gravity of [speaking spanish] it is serious, worrying and it needs to be confronted. secondly, latin america has a lot of long-term problems, but the long-term starts tomorrow. region needs to find the political energy to tackle these things. some of these things are questions of institutional design, cisco systems and so on. some are deeper things which take longer and you have to start aware. say i don'tme just think one should offer cheap hope, but i am struck in the
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last little while that we have had the rise of all properties -- autocracies and so one around the world but to use that great american phrase, there is push back going on. you look at turkey, hong kong, and lookook at brazil at my country. yesterday was a good day for democracy, and we need it. so it is a battle. it is a very important battle. i really and in -- really enjoyed and was stimulative by the four of you. you did a great job. we will carry on another time. [applause] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2019] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit]
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announcer 1: live friday, a discussion about updating the communications decency act which gives websites immunity from liability about what their users post. this will be 10:00 eastern on c-span. at noon the heritage foundation hosting a forum on the rebuilding of america's military, focused on the u.s. army. on c-span 2 at 7:30, jim mattis, former defense secretary, talks about his new book callsign chaos, looking at his life and career in the military. journal liveington every day with news and policy issues that impact you. friday morning, former republican congressman and current nra board member boulevard discusses efforts to reduce gun violence. a discussion of women in the republican party with democracy alliance senior advisor julie
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kohler. the sure to watch "washington journal" live at 7:00 eastern friday morning. join the discussion. what is your vision 2020? studentcam 2020 is asking students what issue do you most want to see the presidential candidates address during the campaign? it is c-span's nationwide video documentary competition for middle and high school students with $100,000 in total cash prizes at stake including a $5,000 grand prize. students are asked to produce a short video documentary, include c-span video and reflect differing points of view. information to help you get started is on our website, [indiscernible]
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you can see the culture is weapons based. >> 17 in the world. >> we have more horses than people in wyoming. >> the tour is traveling the country is we -- as we explore the american story. we go to sheridan, wyoming, located in the big horn mountains, the city of 17,000 is known for its cowboy culture and open ranges. with the help of our partners, this saturday at noon on "book tv", a look at sheridan and the state through its local authors. , 587,0000 square miles people, they single driver economy, no ocean or no major city. we are singular when it comes to state narrative. >> on sunday we will explore the
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history of sheridan and the surrounding area on "american history tv". >> when people come in, you see them start to absorb how crucial the artifact we preserve in wyoming, our landscape, how that has shaped the westward expansion. >> watch c-span's the cities tour in sheridan, wyoming saturday noon eastern on c-span2's book tv and this sunday on c-span3's american history tv. >> next, a debate on conservatism versus socialism. instituteteamboat freedom conference in colorado hosted former come campaign .conomic advisor stephen moore this is an hour.


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