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tv   All In With Chris Hayes  MSNBC  August 11, 2016 12:00am-1:01am PDT

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the point? that someone in trump's position should not be even hinting at there are people who believe
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he is the founder of isis. he's the founder of isis. okay? he's the founder. he founded isis. and i would say the co-founder would be crooked hillary clinton. co-founder, crooked hillary clinton. >> as that audience knows, the united states military has executed by drone and otherwise
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>> our live coverage continues now with chris hayes. he's gonna take us to midnight. hey, chris. >> thank you very much, lawernce. and welcome. we are live as lawerence said. why? i don't know. but we are here. and good evening again from new york. i am chris hayes, still, as i was a few hours ago. after a choir performance at a campaign stop earlier today in virginia, seemingly cowed by the furor over his 2nd amendment comments, donald trump and his supporters were back in form tonight at a rowdy charged rally in fort lauderdale, florida where trump introduced a new, let's call it rhetorical flourish, to describe the obama administration's efforts in the the wonderful people -- [ booing ] -- in orlando was sitting with a big smile on his face right behind hillary clinton? and by the way, including a lot of the people here, how many of you people know me? a lot of you people know me, right? sure, these people. when you get those seats, you sort of know the campaign. >> okay, fair enough. see that guy right over his shoulder who says he knows trump? that guy raises his right hand, knows the campaign, that man sitting with a big smile on his
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face right behind donald trump? does he look familiar? if he does, that's because it's former congressman mark foley who resigned from the house in scandal in 2006 after sending sexually explicit messages to ex-former male pages. he told my colleague trump has been a friend of his for 30 years and is one of his biggest contributors. eric swalwell has called on the secret service to investigate trump's comments about "second amendment people." congressman, you are not buying the unification story about how this was an urge to mobilize in favor of political power? >> thanks for having me on, chris. it is the olympics, and that was an attempted back flip, but the truth is, donald trump knew what he was saying, and he of all people always tells us you have to take people at their word. and yesterday i called on the secret service to take him at their word and to investigate that charge language. and i'm pleased to see that
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today they have talked to the trump camp. >> yeah, we should say there's a little bit of dispute insofar as the trump campaign has denied we have -- we have reports saying they have talked to them. what's the accountability here, i guess, in the end for a comment like that? >> as a presidential candidate, you are responsible not only for what you say, but the effect on those who are listening. and we have seen from "the new york times" reports that these rallies are filled with people who are making hateful, racist, violent comments, and he is feeding and inciting that, and that's exactly why i'm concerned. >> are you surprised that it doesn't -- there doesn't seem to be more of a breaking point for your colleagues, elected representatives of the republican party? obviously, we've seen some defections and we've seen a lot of ex-officials, i think interestingly enough, a lot of ex-officials disowning donald trump. we had ex-senator gordon humphrey on the show last night.
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but there doesn't seem to be any actual rock bottom after which someone like, say, paul ryan says, no, i can't do this. >> i am surprised by that because, you know, paul ryan is a very principled individual, someone who, you know, certainly we go to battle with over values. but when it comes to principle, no one questions his principles. but certainly, for people like paul ryan and mitch mcconnell and others to keep looking the other way or to be anthropologist for donald trump is concerning, and i think at the end of the day, if they're not going to condemn what donald trump is doing, they certainly are party to it and will be held responsible. >> congressman eric schwall well, thank you for joining me. i appreciate it. >> all right, chris. >> we have friends now to talk about the day's news. tara o'dell. political analyst joan walsh with "the nation" and robert george, member of the editorial
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board of the "new york daily news." >> "daily news." >> interesting. >> "daily news," yes. been a while now. since time i've been on with you -- >> you're a "post" guy. well, now let me tell you how i really feel about the "new york post." let's go in -- >> let me tell you how i feel about the "new york post." >> good. well, that's a special show. >> it's good to be here in an all-in, after-hours. >> all in after hours. let's start with the rally, because these rallies are such a strange phenomenon in american life. we saw "the new york times" tape. we saw, like there's the protester and someone's like spilling a drink on the protester. let's start with the barack obama founded isis. i mean, what do you do with that? >> he sounds insane. >> he does sound insane when he says that. >> he sounds like he's completely lost his grip on reality. i don't know what more to do with it. i mean, he said this about hillary clinton last week, you know. he said this before about her,
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but he's never thrown the president in, and he's never said it, like with such -- i don't know. it's funny, but it's not -- >> it starts out funny and then gets less funny the more that he declares it definitively. >> yeah, and when i -- i just heard this, you know, just a couple hours ago. i said, well, that's kind of really weird, and i said, oh, yeah, funny. but if you put this -- i mean, if you do these trump things in just like a little snapshot, you can kind of roll your eyes and chuckle and you move along. but if you look at them in more of a linear way. >> yeah. >> yesterday he's talking about those second amendment folks. >> right. >> today he says that barack obama and hillary clinton are the co-founders of isis. i mean, if there is a nutball out there -- >> yeah, right. >> -- who's starting to think, you know, who's got his guns and he's saying the president is the founder of a terrorist organization -- >> the founder, right. >> the founder of a group that is universally viewed by everyone across the globe as the most evil, odious group currently operating on planet earth.
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i think that's like a consensus view. >> and smoothly goes back to birtherism. >> we have to see this in a broader context. >> totally! >> it's not -- calling him the founder is just an odd use of the english language, but the bottom line is that we've seen the republican party blame isis on the obama administration. >> right. >> we have seen not just donald trump get his bona fideas in the birther party by being the commander in chief, but john boehner in 2011 refused to admonish 12 members of his caucus who were introducing a bill, basically saying that the president is not -- >> that's a good point. >> so, this stuff is not sort of parachuting out of nowhere. >> right. >> we've been building to this,
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it's just trump gets up there and uses the word founder, which doesn't really make sense. >> but that's the point. that's the exact point. it's the same thing as with all of this stuff where we're constantly parsing language, right? at one level, we all know that there is a rhetorically adjacent thing that you could say, which is, look, barack obama's responsible for the mess in iraq, he's responsible for pulling out troops -- i don't think this is true because there is a status of forces agreement, but you could say he was responsible, troops left too early, that left -- and he is responsible and he and hillary clinton are responsible for the havoc. those are different words and sentiment than he is the founder -- >> and that is a legitimate argument. >> one's legitimate and one is illegitimate. >> but this is tapping into the views of the republican party base. donald trump is continuing to play to his audience. a lot of these things that he says, these odious things that we condemn are things that his audience enjoys him saying, and he feeds off of his audience. and as a consequence, he continues to escalate to give them more of what they want. >> hold on one second. can we rerun -- do you have that tape? can we rerack and just show? because you actually see this play out. let's take a listen to him
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saying that barack obama's the founder of isis, hillary clinton is the co-founder. and as he describes that, the crowd cottons to it, and -- apparently, we don't have it. played it earlier. the crowd cottons to it and they get more and more boisterous and he gets more emphatic. >> right. >> take a listen. >> in many respects, you know, they honor president obama. isis is honoring president obama. he is the founder of isis. he is the founder of isis, okay? he's the founder. he founded isis. and i would say the co-founder would be crooked hillary clinton. >> and yet, you're right, he reads -- and this is actually what's killing his campaign, because you can read the room. >> right. >> and you can talk to the room. the room aren't -- >> the country. >> -- aren't the country. >> thank god.
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>> he's kind of a mutant offspring of a church revivalist. >> a road com. [ everyone talking at once ] >> because he gets on in that room, and that room is the end all, be all. >> yeah. he just wants to slay that room. that's totally right. >> how do i get out of this room? >> hello, ft. lauderdale! >> that's what makes him so dangerous. he is not a comic. he is a man running for president of the united states. >> and they're not just laughing. >> they're not just laughing. he's working them up and he's working up people who we've seen physically attack people. those are the people he's working up. this is very dangerous. >> the message is just constantly -- the subtext is constantly otherness, eneminess, criminality. everything is this person is basically in some great cultercumph that is on the other side of it, right? that they are in the cultural struggle, in the struggle for the soul of the country, in the literal sense of the war fighting.
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>> right. they are our enemy. >> they are on the enemy side. and you know, there was a tom friedman column today about the itzhak ranine and all of the rhetoric -- lawrence actually did a fantastic "a" block on this and all of the rhetoric that sort of presaged the assassination of rainine, which was essentially rabine was an enemy. >> traitor. >> traitor and enemy. >> the other thing that makes this scary is all the rhetoric about the election is rigged, they're going to steal it from me. we've seen polls showing that, you know, two-thirds of his voters agree, that if hillary wins, it won't be because she got more votes, but because it was stolen. you combine that -- assuming he loses, which he may not, but assuming he loses, you combine the rhetoric about, you know, second amendment people, this notion that the election's been stolen, she's also founded isis. it's such a volatile mix. i can't just dismiss it. >> again, i think trump is extraordinary in one respect,
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but in another, we saw this delegitimization of -- >> early on. >> of not just of hillary clinton if she becomes president, but we saw this of barack obama, we saw this of bill clinton. >> bill clinton. >> and we saw the same rise of right-wing extremism under both those presidencies. we saw impeachment stickers the day he was inaugurated. >> here's the thing. when i think, if trump were to lose, which right now in this moment looks more likely than not likely, and you're someone who spent a lot of time in sort of the world of the center-right conservatism, one is the fear it this is pandora's box, you can't stuff it back in, right? so, you've now created a kind of energized group on the right that is all in for essentially american front nationalism, right? sort of like -- >> i couldn't parse it that way, but yeah -- >> ethnonationalist, white identity politics. >> and that seems to be the way the country is shifting, and the classic conservatism we've seen of the last 40 years hasn't been able to answer, you know --
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>> well, it's not conserve -- i mean, conservatism has conserved nothing for the people that are in that room. >> right. >> it's conserved nothing for any of those people. what has it conserved? it hasn't conserved anyone's jobs. it hasn't conserved the social order -- >> the tax base that once -- >> no! it's conserved nothing! nothing has been conserved, so why would you want to be a conservative? all right, everybody stay here at the table. we've got lots more to talk about tonight, including how donald trump is currently in fourth place in one group of voters. up against trump's america
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up against trump's america first.
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in the coming weeks, we will be offering more detail on all of these policies. and the ones we've already rolled out can be viewed on my campaign website. our opposition, on the other hand, has long ago run out of ideas. >> that was part of donald trump's oscillating fan speech in detroit monday, one billed as a big economic policy address but criticized for being short on specifics. and for a candidate who argued his opponent has run out of ideas, we should note, hillary clinton lists 37 policy proposals on her campaign website, tax reform, counterterrorism, racial injustice, early childhood education, there is an autism policy on the website. trump's campaign lists seven issues, which is one "pay for the wall" with an icon of a brick wall. clinton will deliver her speech in warren, michigan, tomorrow. she took a shot at the noticeable lack of detail from trump. >> if we want to get the economy working for everybody, then we need a campaign that lays out
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the agenda so people can vote for it so that when i'm elected, i can tell the congress, this is what the people of america voted for us to do. >> back with me, sam seder, joan walsh and robert george. i thought, well, we got the rare opportunity to talk policy. >> whoo-hoo! >> and there really has, robert, i mean, there's been such a shocking lack of it. i mean, i think if you say, you know, what is this campaign -- what's the donald trump policy, really, it's the wall, make mexico pay for it, the muslim ban -- >> mm-hmm. >> and that's kind of it. i mean, that sort of feels like -- and maybe some stuff about -- oh, i'm sorry -- >> trade. to be fair to him. >> yes -- >> trade is actually a legitimate -- >> legitimate. actually, let me be really clear. the china trade section of the website has a bunch of ideas i don't agree with but is an analyzable, responsible to set of policy ideas.
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>> right. >> we'll get to hillary clinton tomorrow. what did you make of the speech this week, which i thought was just a kind of luke-warm recitation of orthodoxy? >> well, my first thought was it was kind of -- for trump, it was a disciplined speech. >> yes. well, he read the thing. >> teleprompter. but the thing was, though, you had about 12 or 13 protesters getting picked up and taken out. you could see his body language -- no, i'm not doing it, i'm not going to do it. >> exactly, right. >> i'm going to stick to the script. >> manafort said i get my phone back if i don't -- >> exactly. so in that sense it was -- the rest of it, i mean, i think as a -- from somebody on the right, just hearing it, i think there were some legitimate -- as a republican-leaning voter, legitimate political attacks against hillary clinton. but it seemed when it came back
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to his own issues, he said, well, we are in the next few weeks going to be releasing this, and then we're going to be releasing "x" and then we're going to be releasing -- i'm thinking, you know, we're less than 90 days from the election. >> right. >> you've just had your convention. >> right. >> that would have been a good idea to start rolling some of these things out. >> right. hello. >> here's my theory on this. i think part of what we're seeing of this sort of detoxisity that takes hold of a democratic polity when inequality goes up the way that it has here over democratic and republican successive administrations it. >> yeah. >> which is, you start to get a certain policy nilism among voters, which is -- and it's true, inequality has gone up and down a little bit at the margins and lowered at the final years of the clinton boom. but the big trends about stagnating wages, inequality have continued from different administrations and you get to a point like who cares? people will say things about policy -- >> but hasn't that basically been like a 30-year republican
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project? when newt gingrich gets in there and he cuts out all of the independent agencies that do research for congress at that time, where he basically shifts and gets congress to shift all the resources from doing just independent research to analyze what problems society has and basically says there is no objective facts, we're just going to present our version of it, we're going to change that. i mean, the republican party has made it a project to destroy government and to destroy the concept of governing. and that's why this stuff resonates in the republican primary. i mean, let's face it, the democratic primary was incredibly policy-rich. >> yes, it was, much more so. >> probably more so in differences and far more so than in 2008. >> absolutely. >> and in the republican party, there was zero! >> except there were -- >> zero!
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>> well, there were very funny moments in the primary. you would see this, tara, where there would be a little micro debate on planned parenthood funding in a state. >> right. >> and you would see the governors -- all of a sudden, it was like a new person showed up, because these people, whatever you think of them, actually had to deal with this. so scott walker would be like, here's my record on that and we had to do this and jeb bush would say this, and i disagree with all of them because they're bragging about -- >> i defunded it years ago. >> right. but there's actually like some tangible specific set of things -- >> think about that just in terms of like the budget, the size of the budget. they're talking about literally the pennies that are buried underneath the couch. and that's their policy conversation -- >> but it's a thing they actually know about. >> and care about. >> here's the irony of income inequality. you have republican voters who are mad at the republican party because they feel sold out. >> totally. >> particularly that money has gone to the top and they have not seen those gains themselves, right? but at the same time, then you have donald trump saying that he thinks workers are paid too much in this country, and they completely ignore that. >> yes. >> and the fact that -- >> wages are too high -- >> that was actually donald trump i think about six weeks ago. he's now basically said that -- >> well, he's in favor of raising the federal minimum
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wage. >> it's a little unfair. >> and it depends on when you catch him -- >> exactly. >> at which rally. >> he has been all over the place. >> but he's been more consistently saying that the minimum wage -- that he doesn't support it. that's been a more consistent position. >> the one discovery of donald trump, the gift he's given the republican party which they are now looking in the mouth, which is hilarious, is the republican base doesn't care about the economic orthodoxy of paul ryan. they do not care. not only do they not care, it hasn't helped them. so they're rational not to care. >> which actually was interesting about trump's speech this week. he basically dumped the whatever economic policy he previously was touting. he dumped that before the speech -- >> got rid of it, yes. >> and literally washed it off of his website. >> there's the "404 not found" error. >> right. and basically substituted mostly
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the house republican plan. >> yes. so, he sold out. >> so, in the last two or three weeks there was some kind of a meeting and an agreement between trump and paul ryan -- >> but he sold out his voters to paul ryan. that's what he did, because he knows they don't care. they're not going to the website to look at his policies. but can i say one thing to build on what sam said? you know, this project to cut government, to defend governing, it also continued through the obama administration, where you just block him -- you know, he gets elected, so much excitement, people expected, he's made big promises. he comes through on health care, although not as great as it could have been. you block him on almost every single thing. >> my favorite example is we have bipartisan consensus from both the major party nominees about infrastructure investment. everyone agrees now.
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so, do you think if hillary clinton's elected president the republican party, who are, let's be clear, on the whole endorsing donald trump for president, are going to be like, we agree on this, let's get some infrastructure spending? no way. obviously not. well, maybe i'll be proven wrong. >> i hope. >> stay here because everybody else is sticking around. we'll talk more about this. lots to get to tonight, including whether clinton's supporters should be concerned about endorsement by some big-name republicans coming over to her side, including a few with some unsavory views and records. few people expect republican (lock clicks) (dramatic music) (group) surprise! oh my goodness! happy birthday! oh, you.
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few people expect republican presidential candidates to do well among african-american
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voters, all things being equal. it doesn't make a difference whether you're getting 6% of their vote, which is what mitt romney got in 2012, or 1%, which is what trump is getting corded to the latest "wall street journal" poll. this could turn out to be a serious problem for trump in states with high numbers of african-american voters, like, for instance, georgia, where a poll released monday showed clinton up seven points over trump. it's the second consecutive poll showing clinton ahead in the peach state. a poll released friday had clinton leading by four points. joining me now, someone looking to help tip the vote in the deep south, georgia state representative stacy abrams. representative, you and i have spoken before. i was down in georgia with you talking about the sort of changing demographics of that
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state. are you surprised by these two polls and the fact that the polling average now has the state essentially a toss-up? >> i'm not surprised. i think that the demography has been leading us in this direction for quite some time, and i think trump has been just the fuel we needed to accelerate our progress. but he has had an extraordinary ability to unify every community that opposes him. >> you know, one of the things that ben jealous pointed out to me the other night that i've been thinking about since is you tend to think of black support for republicans as sort of nominal, right? a blowout's a blowout. but when you're talking about a state that has as many african-american voters as georgia, other states,
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particularly across the south, there's a big difference between 5% and 1% or 6% and 1%. you're talking about a huge chunk of votes when you've got a republican that's getting 1% of black voters. >> absolutely. i was doing some back of the napkin math. if you keep the same percentage of white votes, which is roughly 23%-26%, but you get 95%-98% of black votes and you hold it about 80% of other people of color, you've now won an election in georgia, and that's what trump is doing -- >> really? you can get over the hump with that breakdown? >> you can. you have to add a few more white women, so getting closer -- you can get 30% of white women and hold at 23% of white men. >> wow. >> but if you bump the african-american population up -- because what people need to understand is georgia is further ahead today than north carolina was in 2008. north carolina was at 70% white, 21% african-american, about 6.5% latino in 2008. georgia today in terms of active voters is 58% white -- >> wow. >> -- 29% to 30% african-american, and then our overall population is actually 54% white, 32% african-american, 9.5% latino and 4% asian american. and population is now. >> and here's what -- but here's what's fascinating, right? even as that's happening, the iron grip of the republicans at the state level is as tight as
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it's ever been, right? they have both state houses, they have the governorship. i think they have -- correct me if i'm wrong -- i'm recalling this from memory -- every statewide elected office, is that correct? >> they do. >> they have every statewide elected office in georgia. so, you're also seeing in some ways the sort of potency of backlash politics, right? it can be an enormously immobilizing factor, particularly in off-year elections, if voters feel their demographic monopoly is epic. >> well, i think there are two things at play here. one is that while republicans do have a stronghold, democrats in the house, we have flipped five republican seats since redistricting. we are on track to flip more seats. but more than that, we have implemented most of the things that the law allows. so when you hear about the voter i.d. laws that are falling in north carolina and ohio and texas, georgia was one of the predicate states with indiana, so we have the voter i.d. laws that we need. the voter suppression laws they've tried, we're pushing back on those. so, georgia has already escaped much of what they have wanted to
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do and we're prepared for what they're trying to do. >> how much of a difference is a down ballot if you see big investment from the clinton campaign in your state? >> we can flip five to seven seats. right now we're on track to flip at least three seats, but we could flip even more. and the reality is, if there is investment -- the issue in georgia in 2014 was not capacity, it was investment in turnout. as i said, if you can boost african-american turnout -- actually, if you hold african-american turnout at about 70%, you boost the turnout among latinos and asian americans higher to around 56% where it is now, you hold white turnout, there's enough in the progressive white community and white women who do not see themselves in trump's values and the african-american community which is a strong cohort and has been consistent, you win. and putting aside the partisan side of what i do, the new georgia project has been registering voters nonstop since we started in 2014. we've hit 70,000 in this year alone.
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and the new georgia project has also been a part of pushing back on voter suppression. we've been tracking a lot of the voter suppression efforts and we have a great website, newgeorgiaproject.org, where we are actually not going to be caught flat-footed, and i think that's what's happened in other states, where to your point about backlash, that comes because you're not preparing for every contingency. >> right. >> we are. >> georgia house minority leader stacey abrams, thanks for joining us. appreciate it. >> thank you. still to come, some outrageous examples of systemic racial bias in the baltimore police department that came out today.
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the problems in baltimore didn't happen overnight or appear in a day. the pattern of practice that we found results from longstanding, systemic deficiencies in the bpd. >> department of justice issued a blistering report today detailing systemic racial bias at the baltimore police department, saying the police lost the trust of the community they are to protect because of a history of racial discrimination and how and upon whom the law's
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enforced. a civil rights investigation was launched over a year ago at the request of city officials following the unrest over the death of freddie gray in police custody. they examined more than six years of records and concludeth the baltimore police used excessive force, discriminated against people of color and made unconstitutional stops and arrests. one example on that front, to give you just a flavor of this. during a ride-along with justice department officials, a bpd sergeant instructed a patrol officer to stop a group of young african-american males on a street corner, question them and order them to disburse. when he said he had no reason to stop the group, the sergeant replied "then make something up."
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former baltimore mayoral candidate mckesson is here. great to have you in the studio. >> good to be here. >> i should note, there is a doj investigator sitting in that car for the ride-along. so, this is not -- he is saying, make something up in front of the dude or dudette who is there to monitor them. >> that's what happens when there is a whole body of public servants who have been able to operate outside of the confines of the law, and that's what the doj report highlights is the deep injustices. it's important to note that this is the longest report of its kind that the doj has ever put out. so, it will be interesting to see if the consent decree which
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is going to follow matches the intensity and scope of the findings. >> one of the things that's interesting to me about this report, i know the same thing happened in ferguson. we've seen doj reports in cleveland and of course back in the 2000s lapd. there is a little bit of this, this is what people have been saying for a long time. >> we knew it to be true, before the report. >> the context of baltimore was, >> the context of baltimore was, freddie gray happened. there was a sort of unrest, there was the recriminations, indictments of six officers, there have been acquittals and now they've dropped the charges in the sense of like, well, this whole thing was kind of like a fake thing. and then this report comes out. >> yeah, and i think in many ways, this vindicates marylin mosby and her public statements about the deep corruption in the police department that hindered the freddie gray case. again, i'm hopeful about this -- the consent decree will match
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the intensity of the findings. the findings we knew to be true. the ferguson report was deep. the consent decree at ferguson is a real model that presses for things like youth involvement, changing the municipal code. what's also interesting is this calls out some of the provisions in the law enforcement officer bill of rights as things that are damaging for the public trust, like the wait period for officers to testify. >> i think it's a real impressive report, i think it's as impressive as the one in ferguson, which -- i mean, actually, back in ferguson, they did two reports. >> right. but the actual michael brown shooting and then patterns and practices. >> exactly. i'm not so sure whether it zon rates marylin mosby, because she may have been correct that there was institutional corruption in the police force going back, you know, going back decades. i think, though, her rush to indict, though, when she might have done more homework, she might have been able to focus on and actually get convictions on one or two of those cops, rather than just sort of doing, you know, rushing to indict and then, you know, just hoping for the best. >> one of the things -- here's one of the things that came to me, right, is that if you read the report -- i mean, part of the question here is credibility, right? >> right. >> so, you've got someone in any case where they say, well, i did this and i didn't know, right? there's a question of how much at face value should you take them? in this report, you have a situation in which you have a do-not-call list in the prosecutor's own office of the cops they can't put on the stand for fear they will perjurier themselves. and at one point, there is an entire unit on the do-not-call list, meaning we cannot in good faith call these officers to the
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stand -- and these are people who are operating, who are getting -- that's a very systemic level of credibility problem. >> and they're still employed. >> just to kind of get into the politics of this, you know, i mean, baltimore has been basically a one-party town -- >> yeah, sure. >> -- going back to the 1960s. and you know, african-americans are solidly in the democratic camp, but it seems like, you know, over this 35, well, more than 40-year period, african-americans have been -- >> okay, i'm sorry, i have to stop you right here, because it's a cop-out. it's a cop-out. that is irrelevant. what is going on in these police departments -- >> political accountability is irrelevant? >> it's irrelevant for you to just try to change the subject and move it to a democrat versus republican thing when this is a systemic issue across this country. >> i'm saying one party -- >> i'm a data person, but i have personally experienced
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discrimination by police. almost every african-american i know has experienced it. i attended the university of virginia. none of that mattered when i dealt with the police. and so, for you to take it to a -- >> i'm sorry, the point i'm trying to make is -- >> the issue is the systemic racism that exists in the police department across this country, not everyone, but it does exist. >> buts i'm making a specific point here that one party, one-party rule in a city or a state will breed this kind of political corruption. racism is still part of the -- >> i think the -- to me, the one -- >> then how do you explain it in other places? >> i will say this, there is no evidence that democratic party management of a city has any practicable effect on whether police behave themselves better. i mean, i think that's true. i don't think you can say, oh, look, when you put democrats in charge of a city, then you really get the police in line. that is clearly not true, whether it's chicago, baltimore, los angeles. i mean, that i agree with. there is no partisan line to be drawn here, i think, and that is
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i think an interesting lesson. jerame mckesson, thank you for stopping by. joan, tara, robert, stay right there. ahead, meltdown. sean hannity loses it on republicans who haven't endorsed donald trump.
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still to come, the race for endorsements. why there could be potholes for hillary clinton.
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sean hannity's just about had it with whiney republicans not endorsing donald trump, and he is name-checking them. >> so, is it time now for republicans who refuse to endorse donald trump, are they now sabotaging his campaign? because if they continue to do what they're doing and hillary clinton wins, will they be responsible for supporting hillary clinton's radical left-wing agenda? now, these are the people i'm talking about.
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time to name names -- bill kristol, former governor mitt romney, susan collins, jeb bush, ted cruz, ben sass, lindsey graham, meg whitman and many, many others. >> back with us, tara, sam, robert. hannity has increasingly identified himself in this interesting kind of conservative civil war as the pre-eminent trumpist, essentially, i think it's fair to say. >> trumpet. >> and he has been now in increasingly high-pitched battles with people like bret stephens, the "wall street journal." fascinating to watch this play out. >> one of the stories we'd be
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talking about a lot if the campaign wasn't so insane is that fox is sort of rudderless right now. >> yes. >> literally leaderless. and certainly, roger ailes had nurtured sean hannity's career. and so, i think, you know, i think we are getting towards the time where there's a lot of people who are starting to think about after the election, where they're going to land and who they're going to be for, and you know, sean hannity's radio career has been built off the back of rush limbaugh. if there was no rush limbaugh, we wouldn't even know the name sean hannity. radio experts will tell you he's not good at his job, but he has the good fortunate --
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>> i have no independent opinion on this. i have never heard the show, but continue.
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there are at least a couple ways to view the growing list of prominent republicans who say they will not vote for donald trump and may endorse hillary clinton. one is to stand in awe of how many republicans donald trump is repelling. 50 gop officials warn donald trump will put the nation's security at risk, in a letter writing "none of los vote for donald trump." but mr. trump noted the signatories as the argue detect in the invasion of iraq. john negroponte has endorsed hillary clinton, or as charlie pierce put it "why is hillary
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clinton bragging about this endorsement"? still with us, our panel. joan, on one level, we're trying to win, you want as many people as possible. >> right. >> at another level, there is this move among the most hawkish neo conservative elements of the conservative foreign policy community, the max boots -- >> right. >> robert kagan. >> right. >> robert kagan, now john they send out a statement about it.
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these things. frankly, the thing that i think there's a danger for clinton here is it raises -- clinton did not exactly distinguish herself in the wake of the 2009 honduras coup either, frankly. so, with a guy like john negroponte, it's very hard not to make that type of connection. >> right. >> they should get on the ball. this is an unforced error at best for them. >> yeah, and i also think there's a deeper question, right? i mean, which is that the sort of what the foreign policy direction of this will all look like. when you look at domestic policy, those stakes are so nailed in the ground in some ways, right? i mean, just the composition of
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what congress will be, the senate, the house, the platform, the promises, the constituency groups. all of that stuff is sort of there holding it together. she can't suddenly be like, i'm going to build a wall. >> and it's what i believe she believes. so, it's not a stretch for her -- >> but foreign policy is russia invades ukraine tomorrow, on day one of the presidency. >> right. >> that's when the president is at its most powerful. >> and her instincts are more on the, you know, go to war. >> interventionist spectrum. >> and this continues. i hope i'm not going to sound sexist when i say this -- >> uh-oh, we'll let you know. >> always a good way to start.
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keep going. please, continue. >> as the first woman president, you know, will she be under pressure, either self-imposed or from outside -- >> it's a fair question -- >> -- you know, to be more -- >> juxtaposed i think is probably the most important in that way, right? the conception of -- and clearly it was something they thought about a lot in 2008. >> in 2008. that's why she didn't, you know, reportedly why she never apologized for her iraq vote in 2008. >> the shoe that i really don't want to drop is the kissinger
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endorsement, which everyone keeps floating. and i mean, again, i am not going to -- it's almost midnight, i will not go through the kissinger record, but you can read a bunch about -- >> go to my website. >> just odious and horrible. >> horrible. >> and the kissinger thing says to me also, we keep talking about who's going to be held responsible and what are rachel has the night off. well, let's just start with this. if you happen to look up at your tv in your office today, that's something we did around here, something we do around here all the time. we saw something we don't see all the time. look at this. this is a major office building here in new york city, not just any major office building. that's the trump tower. that's donald trump's office building. he works there, he lives there, and there was a man suction-cupping himself to the glass and trying to scale the tower. you see there, police got involved, this pretty bold, pretty daring. i guess you'd say it's a rescue. the guy didn't want to be brought back inside. they did it anyway. this was quite a scene that played out. it was on local tv here, national tv, more than two hours. this looked like the only thing people were watching. if you caught a glimpse of this,

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