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tv   All In With Chris Hayes  MSNBC  November 10, 2016 12:00am-1:01am PST

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>> tonight on "all in" -- >> donald trump is going to be our president. >> making sense of the most shocking event in modern political history. >> we are now all rooting for his success in uniting and leading the country. >> tonight, the twilight of the elites that brought us here and the terrified millions on the wrong side of trump's america. then, the resistance. >> not my president. >> not my president. >> as the establishment is dealt a fatal blow, who leads the next era of opposition? when "all in" starts right now. good evening from new york. i'm chris hayes. tonight the nation and the world are still reeling from the most shocking election result in american political history. for the first time since the founding of the republic, the american people elected a president who has never served in any kind of public capacity either in the government, military or anything else. someone who has trampled on some
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of the most sacred norms of our american tradition during the course of his campaign. a stunning decisive electoral college victory foreseen by very few. he ended the night with 279 just clearing the 270 vote threshold. that's about three states that are still too close to call. new hampshire with four electoral votes, arizona with 11, usually a fairly safe red state and michigan formerly part of the democrats so-called blue wall with 16. hillary clinton maintains a slim lead in the popular vote. her margin is a little over 200,000 votes. but that will grow as more ballots are counted in states like california. republicans will occupy the white house without having support from even a plurality of american voters. they'll also hold on to full control of congress. as shocking as those results are, there's a pretty simple explanation for what happened yesterday. in four rust belt states, pennsylvania, ohio, michigan and wisconsin, millions of white
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working class voters who had voted for barack obama in 2008, 2012 decided this year to vote for donald trump. that was pretty much the whole ball game. beyond the electoral map his ascendance can be seen in the developed world of nationalalist figures that channel on xenophobia and racism. it's a ling that trump has promoted giving himself a name mr. brexit. donald trump was opposed by virtually every elite institution in society. the editorial pages of almost every single daily newspaper in the country, bipartisan experts and foreign policy economics, the military even a sizable chunk of the republican party itself including the gop's past two presidents and its last nominee. other ideas. trump's election is the latest in a series of cataclysmic events that reshaped the country and the world over the last 15
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years. where people with the very best credentials, most trusted authorities in their given fields convinced the public but later were proven to be disastrously wrong. saddam hussein had weapons of mass destruction. the levy would hold and now donald trump could not be elected the president of these united states of america. this is the precise subject of the book i wrote called "twilight of the elites" such betrayals produce a cumulative effect. they prompt citizens to adopt a corrosive skepticism about the very legitimacy of the project of self-government. that corrosive skepticism was, of course, the fuel powering trump's campaign from the very beginning. leading up to election day i had the opportunity to attend preelection briefings from both campaigns. last week i watched some extremely smart capable skilled members of the clinton team assuredly lay out their path to victory in charts and graphs backed up with extensive data just like those bankers circa
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2007 who assured us derivatives have been rock solid. there's never been a housing crash across all 50 states. unlike wmd and the housing people, i bought it. i was convinced. last night all that certainty melted away into thin air. the question now for the country is how the country puts itself back together again. and that's a question for the president-elect, for his supporters, the people around him and his party. it's a question for democrats, for us in the media and truly for every single citizen because whoever you supported in this election whatever your politics your ideological beliefs what is clear is this country has been torn asunder. joining me now writer at large of new yorker magazine and author of the great book "hillbilly elegy." there's a lot of ways to think about what happened last night, to react to last night.
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how are you thinking about what happened last night? >> well, i'm trying to process it because, as you know, i've been on the show many times over the past year and expressed always my anxiety that hillary clinton couldn't win. >> we've had many conversations about that. >> yeah. then apparently in the past couple of weeks i, too, was persuaded that she was likely to win. and i, too, had that experience last night of realizing quite quickly as soon as i saw the numbers go sideways that she wasn't going to. and it was like charlie brown and the football. it was like, oh, i bought it this time. i was talked into believing that we were going to be better than we actually are. and there are a million reasons that i'm sure i'm going to talk about, i've been listening to news all day, reading commentary, all kinds of errors that were made. but it's so hard to compare this sort of typical strategy talk around hillary clinton's campaign, should she have gone to wisconsin, what kind of attention should she have paid to the white working class when you are comparing her to a
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candidate who was literally endorsed by the kkk and regularly called a sitting senator pocahontas. she made some campaign strategy errors compared to the guy who you regularly refer to here as the trumpster fire that will be our president. >> all the technical minutia seems bizarre in the context. >> of the man who actually was elected. understand, but j.d., i want to talk to you. you're from southeastern ohio, right, i'm sorry, southwestern ohio. and there are -- one of the things that i think there was a sort of trope that got written about the trump voter. sometimes it got a little much, like this trump pastoral. when you look, there were hundreds of thousands, millions of white voters, white noncollege educated voters throughout the rust belt who changed their vote who voted for barack obama and voted for trump this time and a very sort of narrow technical sense that's what happened.
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how do you understand that? >> well, i understand it as fundamentally consequence that people have lost faith in the political norms that govern our society or at least the white working class has lost faith in those political norms. we talk about all the things that trump has done, but those norms led us into the iraq war which his burden fell especially heavily on the working class in some of the rust belt states. it's fundamentally a rejection of political norms, conventional wisdom and it will be with us for a while. we've got to figure out how to deal with it. >> we have this debate that has been going throughout the entire election about xenophobia, racism and economic anxiety. these two twin theories. i don't think that they're in competition in certain ways because it's not like there's a single cause factor. how do you understand the racial politics of what happened last night? unfortunate this is identitarian and we can't get around that. and for those who voted for hillary -- excuse me, voted for barack obama then opted to not
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vote for hillary clinton, we can't overestimate the significance of the fact that people have been primed for 25 years to really hate hillary clinton. vince foster. there are people who believe that they killed ron brown. but this figurative -- this trail of bodies that people have bought into. and i think that that's a real factor in people's contempt for her. now, the other part of this is that when i was in the trump rally in north carolina that last day and that final sprint and i saw just large numbers of men wearing these shirts that say, we want a president who has, you know, kind of -- yeah, right. anxiety. >> right, right, right, right, right. >> i just wanted to add to that, i think that there's a way we talk about those voters who voted for obama and now don't
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vote for hillary in a way suggesting that it can't be about race because they liked obama that one time. and i think one of the things that we have to look at is the way in which these presidential symbols are representing sort of tectonic shifts and who in this country has increasing share of some kind of power, right? so there's a way in which the election of barack obama could be comfortably exceptional and we could pat ourselves on the back about it and assume it's an exception to what is fundamentally the american rule of white male power, but when it's going to on the heels of that now we're going to have this woman and wait a minute, maybe that's not an exception of the rule, maybe we're making new rules about who has this kind of power, and i don't think there's any way to disentangle the misogyny from the racism in terms of what we're seeing. this is a package deal and a lot was internalized. you look at 53% of white women voted for donald trump. >> a man who has huge outstanding allegations of sexual assault. >> another thing we have to say, in the final days you talk about
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hillary clinton is republicans coming home. there was a bet, a kind of arbitrage bet made by the clinton campaign which was the kind of phobes that you grew up around were not winnable for them but they were going to make that back up in bucks county and the philly suburbs with essentially college educated white women. while their margins were better than barack obama's republicans came home in the end. >> yeah, most republicans came home, though it is really interesting the fact that trump got basically the same number of white voters as mitt romney did in 2012 but the distribution was much more heavily weighted to the working class. >> and rural also. >> yes, absolutely. i think there's a tendency -- and i'm going to disagree here with these guys. we can overstate the role of racial anxiety. if you look at the data, it's clearly a part of it, there's clearly an economic component to it. book is there are a lot of other
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things going on in the communities. the opioid epidemic, the feeling over the iraq war, that's not economic or racial. there's something else going on in these communities that drive this -- >> here's the thing, though, about that, right, when with you looked at this and said economic anxiety, we saw that a large number of people, not just talking about the people who voted for obama, a large number of these people economically more prosperous than hillary clinton's voters were. and for african-americans and latinos who were subject to those same dynamics they did not turn to zin xenophobe, to a raci then finally we have seen at the very least that these people have not rejected someone who has begun by calling an entire city racist. if it's not actively attracted to racism, then it's a passive tolerance of racism which is equally corrosive. >> you mentioned the opioid epidemic. hillary clinton is a candidate
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who has had a very lengthy policy pn to address the opioid -- >> this is the perfect microcosm of the campaign. >> through the primary she chose a running mate of who i wish she had chosen somebody else who was a white man in part as a strategy to speak to white working class voters, she did bus tours in ohio and pennsylvania, she's talking about expanding health care, policy wise in terms of her attempts to reach these voters using her husband i don't think it's true to say she -- this is the storyline that she ignored these voters, so much of her policy was built around addressing the issues that you're naming. >> i'm not saying their policies totally ignored these voters but the narrative in campaigns matters more than the policy. the heroin epidemic, he's the guy that brought it up in the debate. there's an element which clinton had policies to address these issues but at the end of the day
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trump was the one getting in front of people talking about themp. >> part of the thing here is the connection you made there is really important. politics are tribal. they always are. all politics are identity policies and that's identity well yeah yeah come work in any political environment. and you've got an identity that's now formed here. and that identity can be a lot of different things you write about in the book. but one of the things it can be is real dangerous essentially white power, right? that you know, you can see white people, certain group of white people sort of voting like an interest group, right, like a minority and in these overwhelming numbers. there's another part that the identity doesn't have to be that and the degree to which those two things are connected is the
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kind of deep stuff here. the one thing that he said that i think is really important, what is driving the voters and what were the voters' countenance. it's that latter place, right, like the drives of those voters these folks those are complicated but what we do know is that it was not a deal breaker for them that he did these things. and that is for a lot of people the hard part to swallow. >> can i just add something here? we're having this conversation about populism, talking about a punitive billionaire who manufactures his clothing line abroad. >> this is the big con, the long con game that people have had here. it does raise the sort of fundamental questions about democracy. even outside of these things we're talking about the identity element of it. when someone tells you that i am the only person who can save you, i don't care if it is a lawyer, i don't care if it's a
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doctor, if someone says i'm the only person who can save you, this person is dangerous. >> there's a very important point there which is i don't think we should countenance trump's rhetoric, and i've taken flak. but we all live in a certain media bubble. i live in a media bubble. my friends back home voting for trump they don't think that he's a racist -- they're not even aware that he made these comments about mexicans and rapists because that's not something that's repeated to them on their news sources. so it's just a very strong component of geographic and cultural segregation that drives that. the media environment that produced this. thank you all for being here. really appreciate it. as you can see there are protests happening all around the country. i just saw thousands the of people marching up six avenue here in new york city, folks gathered in philadelphia, there are folks gathered in chicago as well, portland, oregon, folks yelling, chanting anti-trump slogans, folks in seattle,
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washington. we have seen a lot of street protests in the last four or five years, we've seen a lot of resistant and protests in town halls about obamacare, the tea party, this is a part of american political life at this moment. here as we watch this is on the first day of the president-elect donald trump this is going to be a mainstay of american political life in the next period. stay with us.
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mind when talking about the, quote, white vote. this is a map that shows what the election would look like if only white people voted and if people of color voted. although there's some evidence in the exit data she underperformed among latinos and african-americans compared to barack obama in 2012. to date millions of americans in that political coalition are waking up to a president-elect who is beloved and celebrated by
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white supremacists and who has said things like this. >> when mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best. they're bringing drugs, they're bringing crime, they're rapists and some, i assume are good people. total and complete shutdown of muslims entering the united states until our country's representatives can figure out what the hell is going on. this judge is of mexican heritage. i'm building a wall. i'm going to do very well with the hispanics. >> so no mexican judge can ever be involved in a case that involves you? >> no, he's a member of a society that's very pro mexico,
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did you ever hear of pocahontas, huh? it's pocahontas elizabeth warren. she said because her cheekbones were high she was an indian. pocahontas. >> joining me now anchor and executive producer of latino usa and executive director of the association of new york. we've had you on the show many times. you were part of the protest that was happening. just how you and folks you love and care about feel waking up this morning? >> to be honest with you, chris, i'm horrified. i was still wearing the same clothes i was wearing yesterday at 6:00 in the morning. i haven't been home. my 12-year-old daughter was sobbing at home, crying, my office was full of people. i'm worried about 800,000 young people in this country some of whom are my clients who have work authorization who think it will be automatically stripped from them, people who think there will be mass deportation and mass roundups of people. people are horrified. i don't have it in me to say confidently and look them in the eye and say, we've got this.
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i'm going to act strong and protest and do what i can, but i'm literally shellshocked. >> there's a lot of people, to linda's point, it's like we have these debates about policy, we have this campaign that's seen policy, then all of a sudden it's like, okay, here's the list. allowing these people who were brought here as children to stay in the country to get legal work. that order is almost certainly going to be revoked day one. there are millions of people who directly day one are going to be affected. >> we put out a call at latino usa, to actually ask, we're going to report on this this week, and the kind of responses we're getting is i feel like my wings are being cut out, there's nothing i can do, i feel hopeless. wow, so it's like, what do we do when we have so many people who are feeling this way? now, again, had it been
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reversed, we have to understand that there would have been absolute upset, but there's a difference here because you actually have a president-elect who has said things like what he said in his phoenix speech. day one, we're coming after you. so another one of the tweets was somebody saying i'm a teacher, my students are 99% latino, and they're crying all day in my class. how do i teach them? and these are questions, chris, linda, that we never had to actually think about how do we respond. >> i communicated with a bunch of teachers today. one of the things about the youngest generation of america is they're more diverse than the oldest generation. that's part of what is happening in this country and teachers in front of kids are worried about those things. i wonder also like to me the moment in the campaign that i found the most troubling was the muslim ban. for a variety of reasons. there's a million of things he's
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done but because it was a policy that he called more. he said in the figure as i am a nominee. now, today that came off the website today, maybe a hopeful sign. america with the president-elect who called to ban a billion people to share the faith that you practice? >> first of all, my kids didn't go to school today. i have two kids in high school and a daughter in middle school. they just couldn't even drive themselves out of bed and i didn't force them. stay home and relax, don't go to school. conversation about these white working class poor, that seems to be the conversation that is on many media outlets. i want to remind people that two-thirds of americans actually supported that proposal that we were not shocked, that we were not as outraged at the muslim ban as we were when we heard the tape of donald trump saying absolutely outrageous things to a white woman. i'm disappointed of the conversation we're having. we should have been up in arms on donald trump. and i don't care if you're white working class. people are saying, oh, they're not racist. so you basically chose your
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economic insecurities and your economic anxieties and you still casted your vote for a sexist misogynist islamophobe, homophobe. every single day. it's just fundamentally bothering me on a deep level. we're allowing a man who has executive order. just like president obama undid daka, he's going to undo things. now we just think that it's going to be vamped up. we lived poorer under president obama, patriot act, mass surveillance, on a democratic president, a black president, a constitutional lawyer, now we have a guy that unhinged. >> i want to explore things you talk about on the show, donald trump said this at one point. a lot of people don't know this, but barack obama's deported a lot of people. well, yeah, people do know that. how much do you think that
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played a role in what happened last night? >> the fact that -- oh, the anger towards the democratic party? >> yes. >> it's real, although i i'll tell you towards the end, those same activists, my students, for example, said they were literally -- but they were all in for hillary. so that kind of didn't stay there. but the question is is what are these young people going to do, right? we have a situation now where they're asking where do i go from here? where do we go from here? so my question is, what does it mean as a country, right, that we know that there are people who are living in this kind of terror? and it's true. the raids have happened, the knocks at the door from immigration agents are getting ready to happen tomorrow morning. they're getting ready to do that because they do that. they do it at 5:00 or 6:00 in the morning. perhaps what donald trump is saying is that we're just going to do it more and in broad daylight.
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but the real fear? i mean, people are already afraid of that knock. they're afraid of that knock. >> but i just want to say something real quick, honestly, i'm not even blaming white working class voters. i blame totally the democratic party. i was a bernie surrogate. i think there could have been a lot of things different. they told us we are naive, uninformed, misinformed, they marginalized us, never tried to organize us into the democratic party. there's soul searching. we're going to be a majority/minority country, you either want us or we're going to go third party or go fourth party. they have to decide now. >> thank you both. really appreciate it. we'll be right back. you can see street protests continuing in new york city among many others across the country, chicago, philadelphia, portland, that's the scene in midtown manhattan at this hour, thousands thronging the streets. there will be a lot more of this, america. we just entered uncharted territory.
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to misread your mandate, and frequently new majorities think it's going to be forever. nothing is forever in this country. years right on schedule.
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we have had since 1788. and so i don't think we should act as if we're going to be in the majority forever. we've been given a temporary lease on power, if you will, and i think we need to use it responsibly. are looking for is results. and to get results in the senate as all of you know, it requires some democratic participation and cooperation. i think overreaching after an election is, generally speaking, a mistake. >> as mitch mcconnell said in only two years the political tide has turned very quickly. that's ahead.
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day a little after noon there will be no titular leader of the democratic party, there will no longer be president obama. the highest ranking democrats will be in the senate. chuck schumer is expected to take over after the retirement. nancy pelosi will continue. we don't know who the head of the dnc will be, right now it's donna brazile in interim. joining me now cornell belcher and former pollster for the democratic national committee. ititself in quite a situation right now. >> they do. look, after a loss there needs to be shape, i think that's a natural thing.
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this was a game of inches, right? and i just tweeted about this in my scatter -- this is a game of inches. in a lot of ways mitt romney didn't -- donald trump didn't do anything that mitt romney didn't do and their percentages look awfully lot the same and dominating that white vote. if you had told me, chris, that 70% of our electorate was going to be white as opposed to 72, 73, 74, i would think that -- actually, i told you this -- that she's going to be president. so we had, in fact, a browner electorate. but when you look at that protest vote, when you look at the younger voters who 80 or 90% of them say -- >> but the thing about those voters, i remember litigating this with ralph nader in 2000. those voters wouldn't have voted for al gore. they weren't there like -- there's this idea that that's a vote that should be in this column and isn't. it doesn't strike me as --
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>> it is, but when you look at her margins -- she won all the groups that barack obama won particularly those younger sort of ascending america but she won them by smaller margins, she's three or four points off ins all those younger vote margins. donald trump did expand the republican party, he didn't expand the republican brand yesterday evening, but those young voters who say they were rejecting both of them and they in fact did that, we've got to do more to sort of reach those votes. i loved your last person on your panel here because she's absolutely right, right? the democratic party looks more like her than it does right now a lot of the people who are running the democratic party. and i've got to tell you this, i don't want to go -- and a lot of friends that i talk to -- i don't want to go into another election where there's not a person of color who has budgetary authority to speak truth to power and to put
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commercials and advertisement out there that we know speaks to younger people -- >> that's interesting. >> -- in our community right now. does not look like the electorate that the democratic party needs. in our party, we've got to change that, we've got to shake some things up right now because it's stagnant and the less diverse we are at the top in our thinking, the less able we are to compete in a diverse -- >> it also seems now, 2008 was a huge election for democrats on the ticket. but 2010 and 2014 were bad, 2016 was bad, 2012 was -- >> good. but there's a question about how reproduceable the obama coalition is, the democratic party at the state, local level all the way up now to federal has been hollowed out in the last six years. >> but let's separate the two electorates, it's apples to oranges, it looks very different to the on-year electorate. >> but that's a problem for
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democrats. democrats. i do focus groups with younger minorities and they don't know what a midterm is, right? and they don't understand the importance of midterm. that's not their fault. that's our fault as the democratic party. when i go into north carolina four weeks before the election and i say, you know, show them a criminal justice reform bullet point here, a platform here and it's everything they ask for but they don't know where the democratic party is on it and it's clinton's platform reform that's our problem not their problem because we're not communicating effectively. >> we literally had this conversation about opioid policy in the eight block. cornell belcher. >> thank you for having me. all right, there are about 5,000 protesters gathered
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all right, there are about 5,000 protesters gathered outside trump tower, the home of president-elect donald trump in new york city. vaughn hilliard is there. what's the scene like in. >> so chris, i joined up with this rally about an hour at this point. there are people marching down broadway into the square. they went up fifth avenue and actually shut down fifth avenue. this is midtown manhattan. they wen right past new york city where trump held the victory rally. they shut down fifth avenue which is no small road in new york city. we're over here in the right where trump tower is at. 57th street, fifth avenue are shut down. tough to get through here. it has turned into multiple thousands.
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they've brought in barricades that have been set up at the intersections so people cannot expand further out around the tower. people hanging up on to the poles. like a show at carnegie hall, people from school that joined up with the march. >> vaughn hilliard. bright spots from last night. democratic women this election, so why pause to take a pill? and when you're having fun why stop to find a bathroom? with cialis for daily use, you don't have to plan around either. it's the only daily tablet approved to treat erectile dysfunction so you can be ready anytime the moment is right. plus cialis treats the frustrating urinary symptoms of bph, like needing to go frequently, day or night. tell your doctor about all your medical conditions and medicines, and ask if your heart is healthy enough for sex. do not take cialis if you take nitrates for chest pain, or adempas for pulmonary hypertension, as it may cause an unsafe drop in blood pressure.
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who replaces the retiring barbara boxer. nevada electing its attorney general catherine cortez-masto. she defeated republican congressman joe heck and will replace harry reid. in the democratic pickup category, congresswoman tammy duckworth defeated senator mark kirk in illinois. republicans still held the senate and the house and gained the white house last night, but if history is any indication that action will have an equal and opposite reaction.
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control the white house, the senate, the house, most governorships and state houses and eventually supreme court thanks to their unprecedented stonewalling in the wake of antonin scalia's death. for many democrats it feels like a gut punch. a period of long political wandering in a wilderness. when george bush won a second term, the gop expanded their
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house and senate majorities. republicans and pundits were crowing about a majority. just two years later democrats had taken back the house. when president obama won, it was the democrats' turn to trumpet an emerging enduring majority. the tea party protests were front page news and the gop had taken back the house in what was famously described as a shellacking. it does not happen in a vacuum. instead its actions prompt a reaction and often a very big one. today mitch mcconnell suggested the first things the gop will do in the new congress is repeal obamacare. >> it's a pretty high item on our agenda, as you know. and i would be shocked if we didn't move forward to keep our commitment to the american people. the filibuster, something scott walker argued for today, a repeal is easier said than done. they can repeal much of the law
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leaving millions without the healthcare coverage that they enjoy now. that will make people angry. it is going to have political ramifications, so will tax cuts for the wealthy or the rollback of welfare reforms, the tearing apart of immigrant families. all of this will be devastating and will produce resistance, anger, probably political change. today we're seeing americans take to the streets in opposition to trump. the gop advances its agenda, there will be much more of that. we're talking about what that opposition will look like, next.
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joining me now secretary of labor under president bill clinton and sam seder. and you've been through different periods of different kinds of republican, democratic control, obviously, you served in a democratic administration. how are you thinking about what the political reaction, the political opposition particularly from the democratic party and others is going to be like? a growing organization. i mean, progressives getting together energized, angry already, have good reason to be given the way donald trump actually conducted his campaign. now, if he comes through with the jobs and better wages and everything else he's talking about for the middle class and for the working class, then he might have a mandate to go forward, but nothing that he has
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said, no policy he has iterated has anything to do with getting more jobs and better jobs. i think there's going to be a very large backlash. i think there's going to be a huge backlash against donald trump and the republicans. >> yeah. i mean, part of the reason i wanted, sam, and michelle, to have you here is i met you all when we were journalists in the bush years. in some ways the democratic party, infrastructure broadly, the progressive left, whatever, a lot was built up during that time of essentially resistance and opposition. and it changed a lot when barack obama was there, particularly through the bush years, how do you see the politics of this moment for those in that part of the ideological spectrum? >> during the bush years the left and the democratic party were one. >> it was a popular front. i'm not sure that the people
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involved in either of those two camps were aware that it was a popular front. >> right. >> and now i think they are. and i think the left, to the extent that they're interested in the democratic party, is going to demand -- and i think they should get it, frankly -- a wholesale change of leadership in the democratic party. you cannot have a more abject failure than the loss of the majority of state houses, state legislatures, the congress, the state, the supreme court, the executive branch. i mean, you're 0 for everything. it's time for the democratic leadership to step aside. two weeks ago chuck schumer was bragging about he and hillary clinton and paul ryan were going to do this tax repatriation deal. i don't know if that had anything to do with laying off of paul ryan during the campaign, but that failed, and i think they should step aside. honestly, anybody associated -- >> it's interesting to hear you say this because the same thing happened in the democratic party in its sort of out years in 2005, 2006, the net roots -- >> that changed the party --
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>> remember who the tea party was who did they go after? who did they take the heads off of? it was the republican establishment. >> i think that one of the things you're going to see is sort of like an emboldened or insurgent liberalism. it's been sort of depressed or moribund or trying to cope with being at the tail end of the establishment. you have a very impassioned left wing. disappointed if it thinks that the trump years are going to be high tide for kind of left wing resistance. what happened during the bush years was that, because the political center moved so far right, seeing liberalism became in itself felt like a radical opposition movement. >> and fought a lot of rear yard
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actions. the fights are going to be -- the fights -- that's one of the things about the fights and that you're going to have, okay. so today we have news about a climate science skeptic who has been apparently tasked to head the epa transition. i mean, there's going to be a million things like this in which essentiallrear guard actions to attempt to defend some things that are in place are going to take up a tremendous amount of political >> what happens is we know this from the reagan administration, the bush administration, when you have republican presidents they overreach. they think they have huge mandates and that overreaching generates a reaction and that reaction itself is a very powerful political force. i think the real question is how much damage can be done in the meantime? i think sam is exactly right. the democratic party, the establishment of the democratic party has a lot to answer for.
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i think the real heartbeat of the democratic party is the bernie sanders movement. those are the progressives who actually young people, those are the future of the democratic party and also african-americans and latinos. demographically that's the future of the democrats and the republicans will overreach and i think ignite that kind of prairie fire, but how much damage is done in the interim? >> i think the one thing -- first of all, i think it's a mistake to kind of try to get to silver lining about all this. this is one of the worst days in the history of our country in the modern era. this is a catastrophe and the thing to do right now is to really grieve and kind of come to terms with the magnitude of our loss. but one thing that i think it's important to remind ourselves and the country every single day is that donald trump did not win a majority of the vote in this country. hillary -- i mean, a majority of the country voted against donald trump, and so donald trump does not have a mandate.
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my dearest hope is that, except for things like infrastructure, kind of nods towards decency that trump has made in his campaign, i hope that the democratic minority in the senate will take a page from mcconnell and say no. >> so this is the big question. you saw statements that bernie sanders said if he wants to do things like infrastructure and good jobs for folks, we're going to work with him, if he wants to pursue xenophobia, we'll oppose him. do the things that democrats did with george w. bush and no child left behind and say -- >> yes. no. work on with you to donald trump or mitch mcconnell, no. >> was there a day when the democratic party argued ideology with donald trump? i don't think so. maybe it happened, but they whispered it in the corner. this man is unfit to be in office. >> bigotry is ideology.
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>> but i'm talking about in terms of policy. they need to obstruct, create a distinction with the republican party. there were a lot of voters that hillary clinton didn't make a play for because this there was one note hit during that campaign. i don't know if it was a function of wanting to make deals. weeks ago. two weeks ago. >> i think it was a tactical calculation. >> exactly, exactly. a tactical -- yes, it was a failed tactical calculation that we can get elected if we seem reasonable to reasonable republicans. those reasonable republicans voted for donald trump. >> and i think that should guide actually the -- inform the strategy. thank you all for being with me tonight. that's "all in" for this evening. the rachel maddow show starts
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