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tv   Fareed Zakaria GPS  CNN  May 15, 2022 10:00am-11:00am PDT

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texas has a lot just like that. life in prison, life in prison, no exception for rape or exception for incest, that's the reality texas women will wake up to in a few weeks. i do think that's unacceptable. >> and it's fundamentally about women and their doctors making a choice. >> got to end it there. thank you so much for that lively discussion. thank you for spending your sunday morning with us. fareed zakaria is next. this is "gps," the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria coming to you live from london. today on the program, vladimir putin invaded ukraine in part to weaken nato. now the leaders of finland say they want their nation to join the western alliance and
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vladimir putin is not pleased. i'll talk to the former british prime minister tony blair about this big move and much else. then i'll talk to ian bremmer and minton beddoes about the world's other crises, covid, comet, food and more. finally, i will take you inside the mind of vladimir putin. it's a preview of my latest special. first, here's "my take." the biden administration deserves huge credit for the economic measure that's it's been able to take against russia for its invasion of ukraine. they are the most comprehensive imposed against a major power since the second world war. on a punishment scale, they rank them at least an eight out of ten. but the unprecedented nature are producing concerns around the world that the united states has weaponized its financial power and could lead over time to the decline of the dollars' dominance, which is what givens
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america its financial superpowers in the first place. let me tell you about three reports from three good sources that i trust. one comes to me from new delhi, reporting on a conversation that took place in the highest levels of india's government. the topic -- how to make sure the u.s. can never do to india what it has just done to russia. the second from brussels, where staff at the european commission have been tasked even with working with washington on the sanctions to find ways to reduce the role of the dollar in its energy imports. the third, a shrewd observer of china speculated the overly severe lockdowns in shanghai, which even involve the rationing of food and basic supplies, might be part of an effort by beijing to experiment with a scenario in which it faces economic sanctions from washington. perhaps after an invasion from
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taiwan. there is a raging debate going on right now about whether the dollar's total dominance of the international financial system is waning. even goldman sachs and imf warned it might well happen. i tend to disagree. in my view, you can only beat the dollar with something better and for the foreseeable future, there's no effective alternative. but it's clear many countries from china to russia to even friendly nations like india and brazil are working hard on ways to reduce their vulnerability to washington's whims. none of these efforts have so far gained much traction. it's worth noting the share of global foreign reserves held in dollars has declined from 71% to 59% over the last two decades. partly this is because the united states appears less stable and predictable in the use of its extraordinary privilege. in the two decades preceding russia's recent invasion, washington massively ramped up
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sanctions for all kinds of reasons by more than 900%. many of these measures have been overreactions and should be rolled back. after 9/11 washington put in place highly intrusive measures aimed at tracking money going to terrorists. it has imposed harsh punishments on banks that do not adhere to all u.s. sanctions. it's sanctioned iran, venezuela, north korea, cuba and others often simply to satisfy domestic critics who wanted to do something but not pay much of a price. this kind of economic warfare has failed to change the regimes in any of these countries, but has caused widespread misery for ordinary people. know that sanctions against russia are aimed at policy change, not regime change, and, therefore, could be much more effective. sanctions jumped up sharply during the trump administration, which unilaterally withdrew from the iran nuclear deal and then threatened to impose sanctions on anyone who traded with iran, even though the iranians had adhered to the deal, which took place under a u.n. framework.
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and then there are the measures pursued domestically by american regulators and judges like the almost $9 billion penalty against the french bank bnp paribas in 2014. again, all of these only work because of the power of the dollar. i support the sanctions against russia, but president biden needs to make a speech explaining them. he needs to make clear that the russian invasion of ukraine marks the most serious assault on the rules-based international system in decades. if it succeeds, it could tear apart that system. that is why washington has worked with its allies to impose these extraordinary measures. he needs to detail the legal basis for america and its allies' actions. for example, how exactly can governments seize privately owned property for which the owner, even if he is a russian oligarch has clear, legal title? how can people be sure these
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powers will not be abused? biden needs to emphasize the u.s. will only take such measures nut future when there are blatant violations of international law on the scale of russia's actions. the dollar maintains its crucial role in the international system because the u.s. is the world's largest economy. it has the most liquid debt markets. its currency floats freely and crucially. it is regarded as a country based on the rule of law and not one prone to arbitrary and unilateral actions. that last criterion is not one that washington has lived up to in recent years. president biden should make sure that in fighting this battle against russia, he does not erode america's unique financial superpower. go to cnn.com/fareed for a link to my "washington post" column this week. and let's get started. ♪
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this morning finland's prime minister and president jointly announced that their nation would apply for nato membership. finance shares an 830-mile border with russia, unsurprisingly, vladimir putin has expressed his displeasure with the idea, calling it a mistake. i wanted to talk to the former british prime minister tony blair about this and much more. blair's today the executive chairman of the tony blair institute for global change. welcome. >> thank you. >> so tell us what you think about this move, finland and probably sweden becoming members of nato. this is a huge change. finland has been neutral for decades and decades. do you think nato should let them in? >> yes and i think it's completely sensible move from their perspective. you had an act of unprovoked
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brutal aggression against ukraine and obviously all of these countries are looking for the solidarity that nato membership gets you. and it's an interesting example of how the very thing that president putin wanted to prevent, which is nato becoming stronger and enlarging is going to be the very outcome of what he's done. >> what do you say to people who worry that this is the kind of westward expansion of nato that has put a lot of russians, not just putin, ill at ease, that part of what -- into the kind of combustible stew that produced this problem is nato expansion and then offering ukraine and georgia membership and this is one more provocation that we should be mindful of russia's security concerns? >> a little bit of history here, because when i was prime minister for the first part of my time, we were on good terms with russia. russia would attend nato
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summits. there was every attempt to involve russia in discussions to make sure that any fears were allayed. russia was part of the g8 in my time, not the g7. so this paranoia or paranoid anxiety about the expansion being aimed at russia has always been wrong or misplaced. but now, what's being said as this unprovoked aggression against ukraine, it's unsurprising countries like finland and sweden now wants the protection nato gives. i was a strong advocate for countries like poland and czech republic coming in both to the european union and nato after the fall of the berlin wall. and a few of the countries today
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must be pleased they did that. at some point we'll have to work out what the right security structure is and how we deal with russia on a long-term basis. at some point we'll have to do that. what's the right architecture? what are the right guardrails to have in place? with the sold soviet union, there were graduated responses, even though there was hostility, it was a cold wear precisely because there were certain rules and i think at some point we'll have to go back and explore all of that. but for the moment, if you're sweden or finland, you're thinking i need to be part of nato because that is the protection should the type of thing that's happened in ukraine be visited upon us or we be threatened by it. >> does it strengthen nato to have these two countries as part of it? >> yes, i think it does and it also -- nato has rediscovered its sense of purpose. it's back on its feet again. i think there will be major increases in defense spending. and later you will see what the germans already pledged to do. to be fair i think president biden has done a really impressive job of pulling
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everyone together in a pretty coordinated way. >> people have often said europe lacks a kind of strategic orientation, strategic focus that it doesn't coordinate on many issues. do you think this could be the kind of event that triggers something even larger or kind of coming together of europe and thinking about its eastern border as its core strategic objective? >> i think it's a really good point and, yes, i think it means europe thinks much more strategically about its future and tries to get a set of common positions across a whole range of issues. but i also think it will encourage america and europe together, that transatlantic alliance i think also can undergo a revival and what is important is that we learn from this and that we pivot to what i call a more strategic view of the world. not just around russia but around our attitude to china, to the middle east, to africa where i spend a lot of my time with my institute and you can see how
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china's obviously expanded its current influence there. russia also moving in recently. we need a whole recalibration of western policy and the way that we've assembled this unity, which is ukraine, and it's a good lesson for the rest of the world. stay with us. when we come back, we'll talk about when tony blair met vladimir putin for the first time. i will talk to him about what the world needs to know about vladimir putin and much more when we come back. we recognize that energy demand is growing, and the world needs lower carbon solutions to keep up. at chevron, we're working to find new ways forward, through investments and partnerships in innovative solutions. like renewable natural gas from cow waste, hydrogen-fueled transportation, and carbon capture. we may not know just what lies ahead, but it's only human... to search for it. ♪ did you know you can address one of the root causes of aging by targeting all the cells in your body?
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vladimir putin's first visit to the west after he was elected president of russia landed him in london in april 2000. there he was welcomed to 10 downing street by the then-prime minister tony blair.
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blair met with putin many, many, many more times. we are back here in london with tony blair. >> the aging protesters visible from those old pictures. >> not of putin, by the way, more of you. >> exactly. >> tell us, everyone is wondering about this question. he seemed rational, incremental, calculating, logical. he now seems emotional, you know, angry. what is your sense of the trajectory? >> so the first putin i met was western facing, anxious to have a good relationship with the west. he used to insist we net in st. petersburg because it was the great western face of russia. then i think he found the former russia too great and decided to consolidate power in an autocratic way and become a nationalist. so the second incarnation of putin, if you like, was cold and calculating and brutal but still
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i would say entirely rational within his own terms. the anxiety that i think everyone has is that he's now completely detached from reality and surrounded by people who won't tell him the truth and this incredible miscalculation, leave aside the wickedness of it, the miscalculation, the enormous, how he ever could thought anyone who knows ukraine, we both know ukraine, anyone who knows it knows there was never any question of ukrainians agree be to be subjugated to russia in this way. i think that's the worry, the trajectory has been aware of the reforming west-oriented leader to allow russia to become part of the west. people used to talk in the old days, i'm talking those times when i was there and people were even talking about could russia become a member of the european union. >> that's right. >> is there a way russia could become accommodated in the history of the structures of
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nato? and this myth that perpetrates we somehow were trying to push and humiliate russia, russia is not the result of our humiliation of russia, it's the result of bad government in russia. >> joe biden says that his worry is that putin is cornered and he doesn't have a way out. so what should the western ukraine do? should there be an active search for an off-ramp, or are you of the view let's first make sure that ukraine kind of prevails in this and not worries so much about giving putin a face-saving way out? >> i think we've got to be guided by the ukrainians and their leadership. their leadership has been incredibly impressive. i don't just mean president zelenskyy but others as well. it's impressive not only by the courage but they've shown a real intelligence about how they approached it. i think in the first weeks of this conflict, before it became extraordinarily brutal, i think
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they would have taken a way out and offered that off-ramp. but i think their attitude now because of the way that putin is trying to tape that hole and southern corridor and block odesa from ukraine really, i think now the ukrainians will believe they have done well militarily, much better than anyone expected, they're going to get more support from the west. i think they will have to choose the moment, if there is one, at which they look at the possibility of a negotiated settlement, but it's a lot harder to do now because there is no way any ukrainian leader is going to agree that putin should get anything out of this invasion at all. i do think there are larger issues and we were talking about them before around what is the type of insecurity structure or architecture we need for the
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future relationship with russia, but i don't -- i don't favor pushing the ukrainians into a premature negotiation just as i wouldn't hold them back if they consider there is an optimum moment maybe after the summer months. >> and then you get to the game of what does the west ask for in return for the relaxation of sanctions, which is presumably one of the key russian demands is going to be. it just strikes me this is going to go on for a long time. again, one of putin's miscalculations is i don't think this somehow magically all disappears. the sanctions have been put in place. the west is going to take its time rolling this back. would you agree we're looking at a new world and this is not going to get resolved in years? >> 100%. the thing is, you've got the sanctions, the actual legally enforceable sanctions, but then you've got a couple of other things. you've got first of all the fact that no one is going to do business with putin and i think is it 1,000 companies that are
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withdrawn from russia, i don't think they will go back in whilst putin remains in power. so that isolation which is as much voluntary as it is mandated will remain. the second thing is europe -- it learned its lesson now. it will change its lesson fundamentally to release itself from dependence on russian oil and gas. it may take some time in the case of gas so on and so forth to, but that will happen because it's absolutely inevitable because no one wants to be in a question again of having a conflict between what you need to do and your dependence on russian energy. >> before i let you go, i have to ask you, you were so instrumental in bringing stability to northern ireland,
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what does it mean you now have a party in power there that in some ways is part of the old hope of a united ireland? is there now a possibility that ireland and northern ireland will be united? >> well, it's back on the agenda, let's say, in a way that it wasn't before. but the key allegiance thing, that's a whole longer-term play. the key is get the dispute between the uk and european union resolved. it's very, very damaging. it really arises out of the fact the uk entered into an agreement back in october 2019 that it doesn't really want to keep to and unsurprisingly the europeans are saying you do have to keep to it. i think there is a way through. there is a way through the technical and practical problems how you organize trade between britain, the island of britain and northern island, but it's going to require the prime minister, boris johnson, will have to work out what he thinks is a sensible final negotiating position and then he's going to have to go and sell it and persuade the european leaders. this isn't going to get sold by the system, not by the
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commission system, not by the uk system. the only way you resolve something like this in my experience of dealing with europe is elevate it to the leaders' level and get it settled there. >> one more example of the damage in britain brexit caused. >> it was inevitable we would have this problem. the moment you take the uk out of the center of europe, where we've been for four decades, then the hard external border of the european union is between the north of ireland and south of ireland. so it was always going to be a problem and we just, look, it's happened, brexit. i disagreed with it. we have to make the best of it. we need to solve this because otherwise we will put the union of the united kingdom at risk. >> tony blair, always a pleasure. >> thank you. next on "gps," putin's war in ukraine is not the only crisis facing the world. i will talk about covid, the
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the war in ukraine might be garnering the majority of the headlines but there's still a pandemic raging. the u.s. just marked 1 million covid dead this week and one-third of the world remains unvaccinated. those two crises, the pandemic and the war, are lighting a fire under a global growing economic crisis. so what is to be done? joining me now here in london is zanny minton beddoes, the editor and chief of "the economist" and ian bremmer from new york, president of the racial group
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and author of a terrific new group "the power of crisis: how three threats and our responses will change the world." ian, let me start with you and ask you a question on crises, since you're now a world expert on crises. why is it the russia/ukraine crisis or 9/11, the geopolitical crises, trigger huge global responses but this enormous crisis of the pandemic, 1 million dead in the united states, what is it 5 million dead around the world, it hasn't really gotten us to change much of anything. what do you think explains that? >> probably 15 million according to the cdc but your point is all the stronger. look, in the case of the russia crisis, the information space is in the west completely altogether. they're with zelenskyy, they're with ukraine. and that certainly makes a difference in terms of being able to compel western response
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and secondly over time the level of concern about the crisis only grew. i mean, if the russians had actually taken kyiv in the first few days and ousted zelenskyy, it would have been much less of a problem, frankly, and you wouldn't have seen sweden and finland joining nato. and you wouldn't have seen the same level of support for the ukrainians and the sanctions. in the case of the pandemic, in the early days, fauci was lionized in the cdc. but in the relatively short order you politicalized the crisis and you also lost the same level of concern. once you had therapeutics, once you had a vaccine, suddenly it became less of a concern for everyone, and you actually lost that momentum. what you need to read is what i call in the book of goldilocks crisis. you don't want it to be so big you curl into a ball in the corner and wait for the world to end. but it can't be so small that you can be politically divided and not inconvenience yourself. russia/ukraine is a goldilocks crisis and, frankly, the
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pandemic is not. >> zanny, let me ask you, first if you agree with the goldilocks crisis but more imdebut more im iabut more importantly i but more importantly it may be a goldilocks crisis in the sense it's not so big it overwhelms and there is a response to it, but it does feel like it has follow-on crises, energy crises, economic crisis. europe will almost certainly go into recession, food crisis. how bad are these follow-on crises that will come out of the russian/ukraine crisis? >> i feel very big. i like ian's idea of a goldilocks. you want a goldilocks everything, economy and financial system, everything to not be too hot or too cold. but i think ukraine is a huge reshaping of the global geopolitical order. we can talk about that. that will have very, very big consequences. we're obviously seeing them in
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the likely expansion of nato now but there are very big, immediate crises coming on top of that. the one that really worries me right now is the global food crisis. this i think is something just coming onto the agenda. it is going to be dominating, i predict, the conversation in the next few months. let me tell you why. long before vladimir putin invaded ukraine, 2022 was already set to be one of the most dangerous worst food crises in the first post period. we had a lot of droughts around the world. latin america has two years running a very poor harvest. north africa, africa, very poor harvest. the u.s. harvest doesn't look so great. >> mostly climate related? >> climate related, absolutely. to think global grain stocks were very low before putin invaded. ukraine and russia between them, it's hard to exaggerate how important these countries are. they are 30% of globally traded wheat. there are equally big proportions of barley, corn, 80%
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of sunflower oil, which is a big edible oil. you put all of it together, i think it's something like 12% of global calories traded come from these two countries. what you have seen in the last two weeks is essentially a dramatic reduction both because ukraine has been blockaded, as you know, the ports of odesa by the russians. they can't get harvested out. what hasn't been exported cannot get out. there have been bombs and shelling of russian shelling. and just to add to this, both countries but particularly russia, are huge sources of energy and fertilizer which means next year's harvest, brazil gets a ton of its fertilizer inputs from russia, will be hit. people in this world are increasingly alarmed that we will be facing the biggest food crisis since the first world
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war, not just recent decades, it's a huge, huge deal. i think that is not to use ian's terminology a goldilocks crisis. >> ian, this raises an interesting problem. we have found a bullet military response to the russia/ukraine crisis but do we have anything near the kind of global coordination, the kind of sense of a near humanitarian crisis to deal with the crisis zanny is talking about? >> we don't even have a global response to the russia crisis because it's about advanced domestic democrats. poor countries around the world are not with the united states. it's not autocracies. but the west matters. i agree complete cannily with zanny about the order of magnitude of concerns here and i also fear the western response to global food crisis is going to be akin to where we were on climate 10, 15, 20 years ago. which is a big deal, we should worry about it, but it's mostly
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about poorer people in poorer countries. in the united states and europe we'll have enough to do things for ourselves. how much do we care about sri lanka or egypt or tunisia or lebanon or some of the places that will be under the gun here, have been the last two years with the pandemic, and now even worse? i'm concerned the west does not feel this is an urgent crisis for them and as a consequence, this is likely to get much worse before it gets better for the average person. there will be hundreds of millions of people that will be seriously food stressed over the coming two years minimum because of the level of disruption from russia and ukraine and the supply chain knock-on we see from both the direct food stuffs from fertilizers and global energy. we're going to have to take a break. when we come back, we'll get back to this. but also china, covid, economic growth. all of that when we come back. worth is giving the people who build it a solid foundation.
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and we are back here on "gps" with ian bremmer in new york and zanny minton beddoes here in london. zanny, you talked about this food crisis, which sounds -- you said the worst food crisis since the first world war. so basically in almost 100 years. what to do about it? >> i think the most important thing is to get the world together to try to alleviate the things that can be alleviated. the quick things are request you get the board of odesa opened? that will get the stuff that is currently the grains. right now the ukrainians mined it because they're worried the russians are trying to shell it. but that is a consequence of the russian actions. and i think there is a chance -- >> that's not sanctions, in other words. >> that's not sanctions. i think they're going to change their mind because much of the narrative in the global south, if you will, is a narrative they are being hit by a war that has nothing to do with them and the sanctions the west imposed.
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russia has been very good at politicizing this narrative in the global south but in fact is a lot of this has to do with russian sanctions but russian actions. the west, if it's clever about it, it can bring countries on board whether it's south africa or brazil, even india can be brought in to put on pressure and come up with the plans to get these supplies out. they are the bbeauthey are the lossethey are the biggest los they are the biggest losers, north african countries, turkey. but right now we're going in the opposite direction. you know india just imposed an export ban on wheat. and many, many people have been relying on india to take care of the wheat market. but each country banning exports which would really mean we end up in a global disaster. but if you can bring countries
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on board to find a way -- it will be hard -- to find a way to get the grain in these countries, particularly ukraine out, i think there's some way perhaps not just of alleviating the crisis but of giving a sense the global south has a stake in this, which is really, really important. >> ian, i've got to ask you -- >> i'd like to jump in on that. >> do it quickly because i have to ask you about china and chinese economic growth, which seems veering very, very low because of the insistence on zero covid. >> absolutely true. the quick point i wanted to make is so much of the narrative we've heard from the developing world is you care about ukraine because they are european, because they are white, 16 million refugees. you don't care about the syrians or yemen or afghanistan, the reality is this is a vastly more important conflict for the developing world because of the interdependence of the global economy. they should care more about russian/ukraine, they should be more invested precisely because this is going to hurt them in a way that yemen and syria and afghanistan really didn't. the world isn't there today. we have to spread that narrative. but china, this is a huge problem. this is the second largest economy in the world and they were the most effective in
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responding to covid once they admitted that covid existed for the first year. they're the only ones that had growth. but they have stuck with it and the same, exact zero covid policy when they don't have the vaccines, when they don't have the therapeutics and now it's really causing more supply chain challenges on top of everything we've just been discussing. by the way, this is fixable. the fact is that the single greatest excess commodity we have in the world right now is not energy, it's not food or fertilizer, it's mrna vaccines for covid. we don't have the infrastructure on the ground. the chinese do. but they refuse to accept international coordination and help because they're so angry at the way they were blamed and they're so angry about the way covid has gone through the rest of the world while the chinese locked it down. as a consequence, we're all suffering. we can't coordinate on covid.
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>> thoughts on china? it's aiming for zero covid. it appears to be getting zero economic growth. that's an exaggeration but how bad is that? >> i think it's pretty bad, and it's clearly you cannot have zero covid. this is a strategy in the long run cannot work. but unfortunately in a year where jinping wants to become effectively ruler for life, i think we're getting to the stage where no one dares tell him, no one dares say this is not going to work. if you mix to that and add the clamp-down on tech he did in the last few months, i'm increasingly worried china is moving towards the slightly erratic, autocratic culture, personal autocratic system of government. so i'm deeply worried about china. just to end on a good note, particularly for you, fareed, i have just been in india. our cover story this week in india, they can blow it, the modi government can blow it but because of luck, china's purveyors and they benefited from the huge investment in digital tech, a lot of things are going right for them, i'm very update on india.
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this year it will be the fastest growing economy in the world and could be the next ten years. >> 120 degrees fahrenheit in new delhi now, fareed. i don't know. >> it we'll have to leave it at that. i'll tell people to read the current issue of "the economist" and buy ian bremmer's new book or read it if you can find a way to do that without buying it but i think ian would like you to buy it. next on "gps", inside putin's mind, i'm going to take you there. it's the title of my latest special which premieres tonight at 8:00 p.m. eastern and pacific. when we come back, you'll get a sneak peek. rees of green ♪ ♪ red roses too ♪ ♪ i see them bloom ♪ ♪ for me and you ♪ ♪ and i think to myself ♪ ♪ what a wonderful world ♪ a rich life is about more than just money.
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getting guns off our streets. one democrat's determined to get it done.
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attorney general rob bonta knows safer streets start with smarter gun control. and bonta says we must ban assault weapons. but eric early, a trump republican who goes too far defending the nra and would loosen laws on ammunition and gun sales. because for him, protecting the second amendment is everything. eric early. too extreme, too conservative for california.
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ever since vladimir putin ascended to the world stage in the late 1990s, i've been curious about him and what makes him tick. i've met him and only interviewed him once for a conference in st. petersburg, but the crucial question of whether putin has changed from a cold calculating incremental rational actor to someone emotional, out of control, wild, maybe ill, is at the center of this crisis. because the only way we are going to get out of it is if
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there is some kind of negotiated settlement, something that putin is willing to accept. some kind of deal where he is rationally able to see that he gets something and he gives something. so all that makes it important, more important than ever that we try to understand the russian leader's motivations, his mind. so i spent the last few months working on a new special called "inside the mind of vladimir putin". it premiers tonight at 8:00 p.m. eastern and pacific. in this clip we take you back to 1990 when putin was still working for the kgb and gorbachev was opening up that nation internally and to the world. suddenly russia began to look like the united states. >> today we are opening the first mcdonald's in moscow.
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>> coca-cola. >> almost overnight -- >> mickey mouse. >> new freedoms, capitalism, western values. it all looked great from the west. to vladimir putin, it was a catastrophe. >> vladimir putin views the breakup of the soviet union as he said himself, to be the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century. >> but it wasn't just geography to putin, the breakup tore millions of russians away from the country they love. the country in which they belonged. >> tens of millions of russians, russian speakers, were quote, unquote, abandoned. ripped away from us but didn't have to be. the soviet union was our common past.
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>> the most painful separation for putin? >> of all of the former parts of the soviet union, ukraine mattered the most. >> ukraine. the loss putin never got over. part not just of the soviet union, but also the czar's empire. >> because it had belonged to russia for 300 years. >> putin's brutal assault on ukraine may be the fulfillment of his greatest dream. the world sees an unprovoked blood bath. putin sees a chance to restore the core of the russian empire. >> i think that down deep in putin, there is this sense of extraordinary humiliation over
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the collapse of the soviet union, because it wasn't just the soviet union. it was the russian empire. >> he has seen the collapse of empire once. i think in his mind, he is rebuilding what was lost in 1991. >> please make sure to set your alarms for 8:00 p.m. eastern or pacific so that you can watch this new special "inside the mind of vladimir putin". our international viewers can watch at 1:00 a.m. london or 4:00 a.m. abu dhabi or whatever 8:00 p.m. eastern standard time in the united states translates to for you. thanks to all of you for being part of my program this week. i'll see you next week. tonight and next week. discover a simple way to use colors in managing diabetes!
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