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tv   Native American Economics  CSPAN  November 12, 2018 6:42am-7:41am EST

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it's all happening. >> we are out of time. if you like to talk about work, please join us at the writing, signing at the memorial plaza. you can get a copy of his books and speak with them there. thank you, bob. [applause] you're watching tv on c-span2. top nonfiction books and authors every weekend. booktv, television for serious readers. you're watching tv on c-span2. and our coverage of the recent southern festival of books. the final program from nashville is a look at the economic policies that led to the rise of gaming on native american reservation. >> i am the manager of the
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university of tennessee press in knoxville. i have a number of years, this is a great pleasure. i'm here to introduce chris oakley. he is currently an associate professor of history at east carolina university. in the department chair of history. his bachelors was at chapel hill. his masters was at wilmington and then he saw the light and he came to the university of tennessee. we have a great history department for phd's. we published a lot of them. the university of tennessee has been publishing on seven native american tribes and culture for many tickets. i went to try and figure out when we did our first book, probably sometime in the early 60s.
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we were very pleased that doctor oakley brought his book to us. i have anecdotes about cherokee because i have been driving to turkey about 1978. it didn't look much different from the towns around it. trying to her to spend a book or two and had changed over the next several years. trout season opening day was about the biggest thing that happened in cherokee at that time. as far as i can tell. about a decade ago, the studies conference, association heather conference in cherokee and the change was dramatic. from new public buildings to new firetrucks. the casino was roaring, literally. you couldn't buy a drink, alcohol drink but you could smoke all you wanted with tax-free cigarettes. right before i went to the conference, i looked up with the
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programs the sink casino work and the week before they had the chippendale's and willie nelson. i cannot imagine going to either one of those without a drink. but they did. also, if you live in the southeast, if you are looking for your elderly parents or grandparents, there is a good chance they are in cherokee. that was the demographic. it was an elderly, older democratic. they looked like they were having pretty much fun. i wanted to make a special note on the book cover. our designer, kelly gray, came up with this. you look on the back of the book, this is a gambling token. she had been, went and used it as a theme for the book because but he much, that's what we are talking about the economics. so now, i would like to introduce, bring to the podium, doctor chris oakley from the
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eastern carolina unit for city. university. [applause] good afternoon. i'm really excited to be here for a number of reasons. it's been a great event. i would like to think everyone from the festival for inviting me to participate. that a great job, fantastic we can. i would like to especially thank the members of the ut crest. i was really excited to work with them on this project. primarily because i originally got the idea for it when i was a graduate student at the university of tennessee about 20 years ago. i haven't been working on the book for about 20 years. i don't work that to slowly but i got the original idea there. it stayed with me for a while and then about eight to ten years ago, i decided i wanted to write a book about it. there are too many people for me
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to think today but when i would like to do is give you a little bit of an ovary what the book is about. then i can answer questions. turkey casino opened on november 13, 1997. despite rain, people waited in long lines to get into the casino and traffic was backed up for miles along the highway, feeding into turkey, north korea. by the early afternoon, officials were actually asking people to leave. and return at a later date. need this to say, the casino was an immediate success. harris created jobs and pumped money into the economy. the turkey tribal council decision to legalize gaming was difficult, controversial and considerate. in the 1990s, officials debated the advantages and disadvantages of the. they had to overcome opposition from government officials and
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others. facing federal budget cuts, poverty and unemployment, tribal council members ultimately voted to roll the dice and gamble on a large las vegas style establishment. casino gaming was not the first attempt by the cherokee leaders to stimulate economic activity. they had been pursuing development in western markel and since the late 1800s. sometimes they work with outsiders, sometimes they acted alone, some ideas worked and some failed. the opening of harris example find the growth and evolution of the tribal government. during the first half of the 20th century, federal policy and institutional racism of the south limited the eastern bands options. turkey leaders did not have the means or ability to pursue large ambitious projects.
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at the same time, the emergence of a new southern economy offered opportunities. consequently, by the late 1990s, the turkey tribal council had become an integrated and interconnected regional economic institution. the eastern turkeys were not historical relative in the 19th century old south. they were "new south indians". historians are influenced by their environments and contemporary events. in the follow-up -- 1997, i enrolled in the graduate program in the university of tennessee to study native american history under my advisor john. the eastern band was one of numerous indigenous majors to legalize gaming in the 1990s. the explosion sparked my interest in native and american economics. previously, scholars researching modern interim history focused on tribal politics, pursuit of sovereignty, cultural preservation.
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historians, economists, political scientists and others began asking new questions regarding tribal economic development. the result was a plethora of scholarship. many of these studies were brought in theoretical. moreover, scholars data and examples mostly from native americans in the west, generally ignoring the south. likewise, scholars of the modern self over looked the regions native presence. major interpretive sympathies of the new south treated indians as insignificant, isolated survivors of the old south. it's far too often, the trail of tears marked the end of the indigenous presence in the 77. removal in the 19th century expelled the largest tribal nations in the region but thousands of seven indians remained. in the 20th century, native americans reshaped political institutions, new tribal
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government and integrated into the contemporary self. in recent years, a growing body of scholarship has restored indian people to a prominent position in the history of the south. give adams, denise bates, jessica, andrew frank, sarah hill, catherine osborne, daniel and others have offered important books and articles for contemporary southern indians. my book follows three paths of historical inquiry. first, it is an examination of 20th century indigenous economics. second, an attempt to incorporate native americans in this case, the turkey. into the history of the contemporary south. finally, it is a new look at the eastern band of cherokee indians in the 20th century. at the intersection of these pads, a central question. i tell my students all the time, when they are working on the
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research paper, start with the question. that's the way i approach every research project. my question was seemingly pretty simple. how did the cherokee tribal council pursuit economic development in the 20th century? the book really begins in 1880s and ends in the late 1990s. in between, i argued that over the course of 20th century, the elected members of the cherokee tribal council negotiated and constructed relationships with public and private entities to protect their land, controlled the resources, promote the economic common good and create jobs for the core community of eastern cherokee in the mountains of western north carolina. the nature of these relationships dependent on the broader legal and economic context. rather than independent sovereignty, there was a dependent sovereignty. historians are very fond
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periods. would like to talk about the depression era, the progressive era, the world war ii era and so forth. i found that there were five periods and evolution of this dependent sovereignty. they became five chapters. the first lasted from the 1880s to the 1920s. during this period, progressive formers and federal officials propose get another solution to the so-called indian problem in the united states. one is to assimilate and integrate all indian people into the economic and cultural mainstream. at the same time, new south advocates pushed for regional economic modernization and diversification in the old confederate states. they also does franchised nonwhite southerners and pass laws establishing strict racial segregation. as the united states headed into a new century, these concurrent
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political social and economic trends threatened the existence of all indigenous nations. perhaps, especially those in the segregated south. the american indian was, some argued, finishing. consequently, in late 19th an early of 20th century, the primary concern of the leaders was survival. tribal council members for ways to establish economic identity in order to survive in the post- reconstruction south. three strategies emerged. the first was small-scale agriculture. turkeys of course, had been forming in the region for centuries. they continue to group corn, beans and other crops. farming could be difficult on the lands. second, the expectation of natural resources. most notably, timber.
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rapid industrialization in the northeast increased the demand for lumber and corporate interest turned their to the forest of the great smoky mountains. neither agriculture or logging was a long-term strategy. the birth of a southern tourist economy offered cherokee leaders a third option. the south landscapes, form, and cultural heritage attracted visitors from across the country and later the world. in particular, western north carolina scenery, modern climate, clean air and freshwater attracted people with the means and time to escape the increasing pollution and technic lifestyle of urban america. industrial age of large and increasingly polluted cities, the mountains of western carolina appealed to anyone seeking escape. with the arrival of new visitors, the eastern turkeys discovered they had another valuable asset.
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their identity and culture. native americans were outsiders, exotic reminders of a double past. for example, in the industrial era, goods that had served purposes became luxury items. this was especially true for goods that came from non- anglo cultures. traditional native american items were highly desirable because they symbolize a preindustrial romanticized american past. they were made by vanishing people. too many outsiders, native incompatible with modernity. baskets, partner, pipes and other handmade items that indians typical in deemed
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practical became decorative items. cherokee arts and crafts, especially baskets, found a receptive audience in the early 20th century. on 1911, there were at least four merchants selling items in more than 40 cherokee supplement to their income by weaving baskets and pottery to sell to outsiders. in order to better take advantage of the increasing popularity in native american culture, turkey leaders work federal officials to establish a local fall event. the first cherokee indian fare opened on october 13, 1914. in attendance exceeded expectations. thousands of tourists from across the region flooded the three day event. the fair was simultaneously and somewhat paradoxically, a venue for promoting traditional arts and crafts as commerce and a method for increasing turkey integration into broader american society. such events illustrated that the cultural identity became an economic asset in the 20th century. eastern turkeys were becoming
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part of the new southern tourist economy. it was their identity and indigenous people that offered them a strategy for economic survival. one of the most popular events at the fair was a turkey ballgame. native americans across eastern north america, traditionally played a version of this game that became the forerunner of modern in a couple of photos appear, images from the turkey ballgame. the late 19th century, federal officials unsuccessfully tried to stop the turkeys from playing it. arguing it was not conducive to promoting civilized behavior. the exhibition games however, attracted large audience of non-indians. they tolerated the activity. white journalist compared the game in favorable terms to football. spectator sports became popular
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during the early 1900s, especially with the rapid improvements in transportation and medication. one journalist wrote that the game was the most picturesque sport to be seen in all america. the show journalist described them as the surviving box of a once mighty people. a writer wrote that the game calls thousands of spectators to hold their breath as the game progressed on a fair day in the great natural leader. the cherokee spectators gave goods on the game. contessa games that chance was common among most southern indians. such articles that i've quoted from, clearly exaggerated readers. to introduce them to the exotic residents of western north carolina. nonetheless, represents an increasing interest in turkey culture. x essential threat of dissolution. under the x essential start,
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cherokee officials could not plan for the future. in addition, the turkey government lacked the capital and power to pursue larger economic projects or strategy. >> they also attend as by the end of the 1920s the eastern turkeys still faced an uncertain future. the great depression stalled the growth of the new south. the total tribal assets. barely told $1 million. they have hundred 25 thousand dollars in cash controlled by the office of indian affairs. it was laid $875,000.
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there is very little actual cash available on the red just -- the reservation. fdr promised americans a new deal in this neil -- new deal surprisingly applied to american indians as well. in june of 1934. congress passed and roosevelt signed the indian reorganization act or the ira. the legislation can teamed several important provisions. it ended allotment restored tribal lands and allocated funds for purchase of new orleans. second, it supported native nations and reinforced tribal sovereignty. and third, it protected in promoted indigenous cultural practices. the new deal also allocated funds for direct relief for
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the jobs for the cherokees. it was the most extensive new deal programs in cherokee. they hired a young single men housed them in camps and paid them to improve the local environment. about half of what the average white worker earned for the same amount of work. they employed more than 500 different and cherokees at some point or approximately 40% of the male tribal enrollment. in the 1930s they constructed cabins, surveyed lands built and maintained bridges and roads cleaned rivers. cut trails. and worked on a number of other projects. although login interest have
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killed the creation of a national park in north carolina advocates resurrected the idea and in june of 1934 the great smoky mountains national park officially open. during the 1930s. campsites trails and other amenities. by then the park consisted of 500,000 acres with more than one half located in western north carolina adjacent to the cherokee. from the beginning the potential growth influenced the establishment of the park. the park service may have emphasized natural landscapes but others including cherokee leaders understood the economic potential of the park. nowhere was this potential more apparent than in that arts in craft industry that i mentioned earlier.
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one of them meant more customers. the sale of souvenirs created a retail reservation economy. previously most artisan and craft people typically travel on foot from town to town in western north carolina. it was only at the fair where customers in large numbers came to them. the increase on and around the reservation accelerated by the opening of the park in the improvement in the regional transportation and created new opportunities for expanding the arts and crafts industry. federal officials encourage them to join the handicraft guilt. they hoped to take advantage of the opening of the park in 1933 the council voted to
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support membership in the guild. they encourage the development of handmade cherokee products another type of arts and crafts economy grew in cherokee. affluent tourist might like this. but they demanded cheaper souvenirs to take home after their vacation. moreover, many americans associated planes culture with all native americans. consequently the city visitors had those. will well only share all share
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all of all available so that all the images that i pay holiday or an old ballot for
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our walk with all and all you and you will bold bold and i and meeting minutes that the
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expedia the regulatory powers also encouraging regional activity. world war ii marked the transition from the second to the third chapter three. after the war a bipartisan group of congressmen attacked the reorganization act and instituted a new federal policy. it was marketed as a plan to emancipate native americans from the shackles of the reservation system. the larger goal however was to end of the historical relationship between the u.s. government and indigenous nation. the policy of termination had three parts. they establish a commission to investigate and resolve all outstanding land disputes between the u.s. government and indigenous nations.
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second for urban relocation. and finally, the federal government to terminate the government to government relationship with all tribal nations. termination began with nations being divided into three categories.. those are ready to be terminated immediately those who would be ready in two to ten years. and those who would not be ready for more than ten years they were placed in the second category. there was a looming threat over their existence as a tribal nation. the national economy boomed after the war. in family tourism became an important part of that growth. b north carolina officials actively promoted to the states as a tourist destination. the model became variety vacation land.
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each year more than 1 million people visited the great smoky mountains and excited by these numbers a group of prominent civic leaders met to discuss the region's economic future. seeking to take advantage of that attraction they met with tribal leaders and founded the historical association. the cha. a nonprofit dedicated to attracting visitors to the red -- and preserving the history and culture of the cherokees. they included several cherokee members including the principal chief but all of the officers were non-indian. the first project was at development of an outdoor historical drama. they leased land from tribal council for that construction of an empathy at her and contacted paul green the famous author. to see if he would be interested in the project.
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green declined but recommended a unc graduate student permit hunter to draft the play. on july 1, 1950. cey outdoor pageant debuted as the brand-new mountainside theater. and that night a crowd of 2400 watched the two act 14 to act 14 speemac production dramatized cherokee history. in the first year it drew a hundred hundred and 7,000 spectators at 54 performances. more than the lost column colony. in bold and emboldened by the suggests success. a second attraction on the reservation.de i'm an 18th century charity town.
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the scholars from the university of north carolina. and the university of georgia. and the university of tennessee in developing a living village on a 40-acre site near the empathy at her. opening in the spring of 1953. they consisted of several structures. an open air temple and a seven cited council house. from may to october. they could pay small price to shoot blow guns. using 18th century techniques. in addition and onto these hills. the cha established a museum to complete its trio of umltural tourist attractions. they created the museum of that cherokee museum.
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of a modern museum which opened in the 1970s it is now owned and operated by the cherokees. visitors to cherokee in the 1950s and found numerous places to spend money on souvenirs and gifts. by the mid- 1950s visitors were spending $750,000 per year mostly on souvenirs and gifts plus with places. the tribal members were free to open businesses on their rewrites. they have the leastch -- lease the land rights. and a trading license from the trading council. they started
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charging a sales tax. by the 1950s cherokees actually owned a small majority but the 50 retail outlets on the reservation. some did while others poorly. the key was as always location. they were adjacent to the highways and they became valuable for their access traffic. more remote holdings in 1951 the lambert family open the trading post which was not in a prime location. they stuck it with $600 worth of imports they did okay but they struggled to compete with businesses with better locations.s. therefore they paid a man at 1 dollar per day to dress like a chief and stand outside of their store to lure tourists.
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they were not the only one used that.t. in order to attract customers and business business owners hired men dressed in colorful garb to stand near their doors and interact with tourists. while storeowners paid them a daily wage. they also earned money posing with tourists. you can see that here on the left. including the chiefs themselves chiefs themselves knew that the clothing was not accurate. they also knew what they wanted to see. those who participated in chief and considered it an effective promotional tool and a way to make a modest income. but there were limits. in the early 1960s. they passed a resolution not to business owners
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hire white men to imitate indians or to act as chief. suggesting that have been done. the cherokees and non-indians work together to use a culture to attract tourists to western north carolina. white politicians and businessmen certainly exploited the eastern cherokees to promote tourism but the leaders used themexex to promote their economy and protect their interests. they limited the cherokees political and economic power and termination threatened their they needed allies in support. that the post- postwar cherokee was another episode of white colonialism. there is certainly evidence of this.in they controlled the major reactions.
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the cherokees were not passive players in this project. it was contested in negotiated. councilmembers acted to make the reservation more open to tourism they did so while asserting their authority to regulate congress. that brings us to the fourth spot chapter four. they passed the torch into a new to a new generation of political leaders. the inauguration of jfk. the first president born in the 20th century. lbj proved to be even more dedicated than his predecessor to attacking poverty. especially among historically oppressed groups. in the 1960sesre the great society program waged a war on
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povertyso the office of economic opportunity directed this war and the community action program's became the primary weapons. federal officials used it to bypass washington and funnel dollars directly to community groups. these in turn established and administered the poverty programs designed locally to fit the particular needs of the community. native americans could form caps and apply for funds without involvement or interference. consequently, and perhaps accidentally the great society officials decentralized in ditty my weakening bia authority in strengthening the power of tribal government. in 1964. the tribal council founded its
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own community action program. funds came with guidelines with how they could be used by recipients had control over specific plans and implementations. the cherokee projects received a total of $484,000. the next year $586,000. they used these grants to establish several local projects.li with job training and housing. according to an editorial. the official tribal newspaper. they are giving hope to a people who have suffered much in the past. they are giving them courage that they have long denied. a cherokee leader reinforced this view writing the programs started and started advocating and doing things the bi date -- the bid should've been doing for years.
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they also used federal funds to recruit and subsidize light industry. another aspect of the new south economy. by the mid- 1960s three factories were opening on the reservation. all three least land from the tribal council. the manufacturing's they made women's hair accessories. these operations employed more than 300 full-time workersthlo % of whom were cherokee with aro yearly payroll of more than $650,000. the creation of 300 jobs was not insignificant.. one official quote this is the first indian reservation to be industrialized. they waged a war on poverty
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the threat of tribal termination had widespread opposition. and strengthened indian identity and activism. they lobbied the state and federal officials against determination and in favor of the protection of indian rights. they typically sought to affect change within the u.s. political and governmental system. some younger native americans however argued that the group acted too passively. in the early 1960s young africans americans they a job adopted more confrontational tactics. younger native americans founded groups dedicated to more direct public action. the american indian movement became the most well-known of these red power groups.
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they orchestrate. there is because of the nca eye. our other native american groups the momentum for tribal termination slowed in the 1960s and the federal policy of termination itself was eventually terminated. at the same time though the national economy s which have enjoyed steady growth after world war ii stagnated american prosperity was disappearing in the 1970s under rising inflation escalating energy costs in increasing unemployment. they have a devastating impact on a tourist economy. two of the three plants. in the 1970s in the third and the third was also hurting. the political atmosphere in washington changed it again.
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politicians blamed federal deficits for the nation's economic problems. the cuts that threatened the future of great society programs. that takes us of the final time. the final chapter. the 1980 election. the republican channel democrats. reagan like the majority of his predecessors have little personal interest m in or understanding of native american culture. but he have a tremendous interest in reducing the size, scopeuc and cost of government. federal officials argued that spending on the reservations was wasteful and inefficient consequently in the 1980snt the budget for indians was cut
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more than $500 million. facing these cuts some of native american native american leaders looked for alternative methods for finding tribal programs. inspired by the seminoles of florida they began operating high-stakes bingo games these succeeded in generating rent up the news. the tribal council members begin discussing the began discussing the possibility of expanding the gaming operations beyond mingo. in a landmark case. they could operate games of chanceru free from that regulatory the regulatory oversight if those games were legal within the state. native american lands were immune from state regulatory laws. but they were not protected from prohibitory laws.s.
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most forms of gambling were illegal in north carolina but bingo had been legalized in certain situations.. therefore it cannot be regulated. in addition to bingo the state government also legalized the operation of video gaming machines in these popped up in various locations across the awate.non since state laws regulated of these machines but did not outlaw them. tribal leaders investigated the possibility of opening a casino video machines. similar things were going -- going on across the country. state leaders began to complain to federal officials about the lack of oversight and control of indian gaming. it set federal guidelines for tribal governments that wanted to operate gaming facilities.
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initially no one like the ig ra. they sought a violation of their sovereignty.laon according to the igr a the cherokee government could petition the north carolina government for a gaming compact. in the north carolina government had to negotiate in good faith.. in 1991 the principal chief of the band divided -- notified the governor. arden who personally objected to gambling. ask his general counsel to investigate and report on the issue.e. they have advised the governor that the decision of whether there is to be additional gaming on the reservation was made in washington. you have and well had no role in that decision.
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they have provided the context but the final decision would actually be made to the tribal council. their sovereignty. in the 1990s. they debated the issue on the reservation. members were divided into three groups. those who supported opening a casino those who resisted for moral reasons and those who oppose for cultural regions. ultimately the tribal council voted to approve after feeling with one company. negotiated a deal with harrah's casino. they did not hold a referendum on the issue. according to the deal assigned 50% of the profits would go directly to tribal members in the form of per capita payments. minors would have their shares
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deposited in a mutual fund until they turned 18.d the other ones would go to the cherokee government to fund tribal programs. programs that have been cut or eliminated because of previous budget cuts. that takes us back to the beginning. prior to the late 20th century the tribal council of the eastern band of cherokee indians could never had dreamed of successfully carrying out such a notion. the opening of the here of the growth of the cherokee tribal council in the evolution of their inter- dependent sovereignty. this is not without controversy.. when native americans adopted a new economic strategies critics often fretted about the loss of indigenous identity. indians were culturally and economically compared to and measured against their 18th and 19th century ancestors. thus they were often denied their own modernity their
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ability to evolve, adapt and survive. a practice that was the consequence of colonialism.ns based mason early 19th century practices than it was to do the same to others. too often we expect native americans to be trapped in time. the success stories attracted media attention and lead to the creation of a new native american stereotype. the rich indian. according to author alexander harmon indians generating wealth created a problemem in american culture. some viewed native american poverty as evidence of indigenous spirituality, generosity and willingness to lead simple lives free from materialismsi and harmful or immoral practices. the pursuit of economic success using modern
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approaches appeared inconsistent with the traditional values. in short, real indians were supposed to be poor. but they argue that many nations even in the post contact time. the popular image as impoverished outsiders. it was partly developed to categorize indians as economically different. is to justify colonialism. they have a diversity of experiences. with southern indians as he notes many southern indians including the cherokee nation and prior too prior too removal achieve significant economic success. a wasical accuracy typically trumped by embellishment and executor duration.
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native americans connected to casinos and they were often portrayed negatively and television, movies and other forms of popular media. in 2002 time magazine published a scathing and sensationalized exposé of indian gaming and the united in the united states. according to the authors only a few indian leaders actually benefited from casinosde the majority of native americans suffered. i do not find this in cherokee at all. they even questioned some native american leaders.. overall the legacy of indic gaming still only about three decades old remains contested. some of the most vocal supporters of native american gambling referred to casinos as the new wife -- white buffalo.
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critics though characterize it as a golden calf. or a false savior that would cause spiritual and cultural destruction. for cherokee leaders however gaming was neither. i did however mark an important moment in cherokee historyar the casino was a physical monument to their tinterdependent sovereignty. in the 20th century they relied on tourism to support their reservation economy and ensure the survival of the eastern band on their homelands. the decision to pursue gaming though obviously important was an extension of that process. now white buffalo. the 20th century history is distinctive but it is also part of a broader narrative involving indians in the contemporary south.ke they had offered us a meaningful thoughts about the eastern cherokees. one of the reasons i was excited to be invited to this particular festival it is
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discussing indians within the broader context of the south. this is the facile celebrating southern literature. the original southerners are still here and scholarship on the native south is flourishing. during the 20th century the eastern cherokees evolve economically just like other residents of the new south and they did so while protecting and maintaining their identity. native americans have been part of the south and that is not changing anytime soon. according to one cherokee leader i think it would be fair to say that arguably today the tribe is more financially secure and politically powerful and it has been in the last 500 years. thank you. [applause]. if you like to ask a question even caught to this mike over here.
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thank you for the presentation. presentations. i was recently in canada and in british columbia and went to annette indigenous museum there. and i was struck by the fact that at least a few of the tribes had renegotiated treaties with the canadian government. they had been negotiated over ten years. given her history of treaties. is all of this subject to the changing congressional policies over time. >> a couple things you note there. is how this pendulum has gone
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back and forth. they recognize tribal nations as domestic sovereign nations. in for the first they dealt with tribal nations on the treaty basis that you mentioned. directly treating them as governments. that stopped after the civil war. from that point from the 1870s and 80s after the li rnplanes moved forward. basically federal policy and the treaty process was done away with. indian issues were handled by congress and the president.ss personally, i would like to see it go back to that process i don't think that will happen in the united states.
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i'm not as familiar with thehe first nations in canada so i can't speak intelligently on that. i struggle to speak intelligently on english caselaw. the relationship between tribal nations in the federal government as one of the most complicated legal matters that we have and i still don't understand all of it. but thank you for the question. >> just one more question. is the relationship between that. traditionally it was adversarial. do they collaborate. you are correct that for a while it was tense the federal government now cherokees were moved. a number of them had separated themselves already from the cherokee nation prior too removal after the civil war
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the federal government recognized the eastern band as a separate tribal nation. they obviously have a historical relationship but they are two distinct tribal nations today.na again to questions when this was being developed. did they talk about how this would affect who was enrolled and how it would happen. did they predict when it would happen. there were certainly aware of it. and of course that is if you're interested in the skin of issues connected to involvement there is a really good book out.
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who is writing about that. clearly when there becomes a financial benefit to being an enrolled member you can have more and more people seeking to establish that connection. the irony is that the cherokees and this is why she does so wonderfully. they began using this process that initially was imposed on them. to their advantage to try to keep people away. initially, cherokee identity have nothing to do whatsoever with blood quantum. but the federal government began to impose on the cherokees tribal enrollment system. i do write about that in the book appear bit. i did not had time to address it today.dd it actually goes back to that time because it has to do with connections to the land
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allotments. they do on individually. but they do have allotments. if they were on the rolesdu he have yet the ability to get an allotment. all the way back to the 1880s. it makes it possible to dilute people out of entitlement. if you define indian identity based solely on biology which traditionally they have not done. >> second quick question was there an effort to set in place ideas to not have money to people that were not part of the nations who were. >> where my story ends i don't deal with as much. i think if there would ever be a sequel or a volume two that's where i would pick up the story in the early 2000's.
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i can't really definitively say. thank you. >> think you. with walter block. block. this is space capitalism. i think it is a 25th book. but who's counting. and you've written a new series.

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