tv Eric Rauchway Winter War CSPAN August 17, 2019 7:03pm-8:01pm EDT
don't have a boise we don't have a selleck city and i think if we can develop a bit more of the infrastructure here and diversify the economy, that also allows for a bit more independence as well. montana as a state, has both of those elements from the republicans and some that lean democratic and i don't necessarily see that changing is anytime soon. working with our cable partners, and audible. [inaudible conversation] go to book tv .org and select cspan city stewart from the series drop-down at the top of the page. or by visiting cspan .org/city
stewart. you can also follow the cspan city tour on twitter where behind the scene images and video. cspan cities. [inaudible] good morning and welcome to the franklin roosevelt presidential museum. i am so glad you could join us today for the 17th annual reading festival. we have tried piped a tremendous lineup today. about a 30 minute talk there will be some question answering that a book signing, because we are joined today by her friends at cspan, if you are going to
ask a question please use the microphones so your question can be heard. this is a important part of the leg us. when he built this library 1941, he assumed he would be leaving office and he wanted a place to come that would be a center for learning and public forum discussions and we have tried to live up to the reputation and the legacy and this was one of our most successful components of that. you are about to hear from eric rolle who is a professor a graduate at stanford, he has written six books three on franklin roosevelt. his most recent book which is generated a lot of very positive press in a lot of discussion on twitter, if you don't follow him he should. we are twitter friends. he is part of the twitter story and universe. this idea of the winter war, this period between the election and fdr's inauguration is really a fascinating and often understudied area.
so much was happening at the time. when i give people tours of the museum i always tell them that his official act in a as a president was to close every bank in america. he is also going to be this golden resident this summer for a special teacher training that we areoing funded through and summer seminars prayed he will be back again this summer and were going to get him to do another program when he is here for that. i do think this is a very important moment in american history as you are seeing these two ideological perspectives clash in this transition. i think his book is vitally important i strongly encourage you to read it. please welcome him. [applause] thank you very much and to all of you for turning out this morning. i'm going to talk to you as paul
indicated my book winter work in the struggle between franklin roosevelt neubert hoover that occurred between the election in 1932 and roosevelt's first inauguration in march of 1933. i would make the case to you that these critical months are not only clearly to us in retrospect vitally important in the history of the united states and of the world, but that they were critically to hoover and roosevelt at the time. their prenuptial struggle seemed to them to be a vital importance to the agendas that they wanted to go forward with. i'm going to open my discussion with this morning as i do the book, with the moments in february 1933, every 15, 1933, in miami, florida. roosevelt had just returned from a pleasure cruise on the odd normal which was owned by his friend vincent astor and i will tell you that in the course of my research is, i've come across reports to be the authentic
recipe for normal which stands on a very self foundation of my car and i will happily share that with you. i can sure you though that's what they were drinking when they turned for miami well fortified and relax. roosevelt of course as i say was on this pleasure cruise was going to make a brief public appearance in miami park and then take the train back to washington and to new york so that he can resume the business of assembling his cabinet and the feeling as paul indicated with these men ongoing banking crisis. there was a crowd assembled in bayfront park in miami to reach the president elect they set up folding chairs some like these and they had made them into benches by putting planks between them so that you can while they sang in the middle they were makeshift they could fit a lot more people. roosevelt drove to the front of the crowd as he often did for a
brief campaign appearances in an open top car because that made him easy of course for him to get around and he didn't have to go get around the rigmarole getting out of the car leaning on somebody and walking as he struggled to do. he would hike himself up in the backseat of the car he could make a speech need to be seen by people he gets it by back down the driveway. he hides himself up in the next in the car, set a few words of thanks and then sat back down and ready to go. he was so swift, and doing this that impact the radio reporters were unable to catch his brief remarks for broadcast and they asked him to do it again and he said no. he was busy and he needed to go work on some things going together the secretaries and we are probably fortunate that he refused. to repeat these marks because the fact that he had sat back down so swiftly, made harder for the would-be assassin back in the crowd to see him over the heads of people so that assassin
hiked himself up on one of these makeshift benches that were quite widely and was able to get off a few shots in the general direction of the president before he was apprehended by his neighbors and ultimately by the secret service. one of the shots hit the mayor of chicago who is not more than an arms length away from franklin roosevelt at the time. the would-be assassin was apprehended and bundled on the back of one of the cars in the motor paid in the torment was pulled into roosevelt's going cart which then drove away with the mayor said in the president elect's lap. at the hospital, president made one concession in the recent event which was to take off his coat which had been stained with blood before making a statement to reporters saying that he would entirely unharmed and that he had expressed sympathy and concern for those who had been wounded. i mentioned the story not because it certainly die manic
but also because he presented a heightened demonstration to not to us but the people at the time how tenuous this moment in history was. the great historian william . the university of chicago who very soon become roosevelt ambassador. said of this event the day after that it revealed to him how what he called the chapter of accidents. where certainly as important as any other chapter in the books of history that it showed on a narrow marriage and even the most certain of american origins often had. had the assassins aimed been steadier and roosevelt not set down so swiftly had roosevelt been shot and killed, the president would've been john boehner of texas then the vice president. [applause] [laughter].
i like good knowledgeable crowd, save me a lot of time. garner was finally a far more conservative than roosevelt that he in fact been put on the ticket as a sop who had made garner's proposed candidate for the democratic nomination. hearst not only are more conservative than roosevelt would more conservative in the area of being bothered by nazi -ism. hearst newspapers carried the motto america first. familiar to us again in recent years for the similar reason indicating be not bothered by fascism abroad. had the car become president then opposition to hitler certainly would've not been a priority for the administration. as it was for is about, from the very beginning, it became chandler germany just two weeks before this shooting. it was immediately away from
franklin roosevelt and a heightened sense of what the deal had to do. already during the campaign, roosevelt had indicated that the importance of a wood not only engineering economic recovery from the great depression but that it would show american and the people around the world that you could engineer a recovery from the great depression without resorting to dictatorship. that the liberals democracy to determine the procedures that the rule of law could be retained even in the middle of a severe emergency like this one that the united states would do that. as other countries would not. without abandoning his traditions of traditions of governments. he said during the campaign perhaps suspend the legality we do not want dictators in united states you have penalties of dictatorship are too high. this is not particularly profound.
but it's important that it needed to be said. right now middle of the president's campaign in 1932 because there were people who were as we might say would be a dictator curious there were many. when hitler became chancellor, roosevelt regarded this as a very bad sign. not only because it would've reported german policy for policy but for the general democracy of the world. roosevelt had believed for example that ms. elaine might seem roped in that he might be retained a return to more kind of normal forms of parliamentary democracy but that with hitler and power, he would be encouraged and motives and is fascism and disk regard for the law and of course it would embolden americans. who are opposed to democracy in 1932 in 1933. as roosevelt told his a's at the time, the obsession of hitler was a part hamza people for the
united states eat willingly challenges because his black sorcery appeals to the worst in men and escorts there harry tate and ridiculed their tolerances and permanently in the same world where system has reliance on reason and justice is fundamental. roosevelt spotted a new deal again as a way of reinvigorated american democracy. he said we would employ lots of americans and we know build bridges and dams and airports and so forth. not only to give them work, but as roosevelt said to help restore the close relationship with his people which is necessary to preserve our democratic forum of government. that was in essence roosevelt's campaign and became the hallmark of his presidency. flawed and grumpy and ingest as some were, they needed to be preserved and bettered rather
than fret trash. it's worth taking a second time to talk about one of the great myths of the roosevelt presidency and why we shouldn't be taken by it. again reminds us how much was at stake at this moment and how americans knew how much was at stake. that myth is that roosevelt unit campaign on the new deal in any specific way. this is not true. you can find people who say, that roosevelt did say it is true during the campaign for example, in his common sense had been taken in a tried and fails, try another, that evolved above all try something. that's pretty big. [laughter] i will admit that. there are two things to.out about that. the speech was given in may because it was a management speech and big of course at the time they promised csn. [laughter] also we should remind yourself that in may of 1932, in
those days, may was still early in the presidential campaign back then in 1932. over the course of the subsequent months, roosevelt would've been with his trust, develop a series of speeches each on a specific issue that he would give or he would say this is where i stand. on securities regulations and agriculture subsidies in a very sorts of programs dealing with unemployment. he would give those speeches. he would publish a book of sa each of which dealt with specific issues in the way that we deal with them. he would have his democratic national committee and specifically the women's national committee put together for precinct walkers and packets of one cheap liars color-coded each by the specific issues they addressed the people so that people can hand them out. in other words, the new deal was very specifically laid out a 1932 and would include roosevelt explain regulation and
securities it would include price subsidies for agriculture's commodities and the labor unions and laws mandating better conditions in industrial work and an appointment insurance and contributory old age insurance and ownership and operation of power plants, in general it would include a massive program of public works as well as a broader commitment on behalf of the federal government to the disability of american workers. in fact, as you can see candidate roosevelt promised everything we now recognize as the new deal. this did not escape voters at the time. specifically it did not escape roosevelt's opponents. during the campaign of 1932, herbert hoover campaign specifically against this new deal. .by.and stumped saying if he were elected, he would raise tariffs.
the one tariff had a great success. anthony he had been elected he would give more of that. he opposed roosevelt's public works, he said i cannot believe that anyone would be so cruel as to pull up this hopeless impossible realization not only did he say the public works was impractical, he said it would be destructive of american civilization. the new deal would bring destructive changes which would mean total abandonment of every principle upon which this government and the american system is founded. hoover warned. it would break down the savings the wages, equality of opportunity among our people, but that is not all, and i break down our forum of governments and constitution free speech does not live many hours after free industry and free in commerce die. the new deal the president said smell of old judaism. in amidst the same feelings of the witches which boiled over in russia, and continue weighted
flavor spread over the whole of europe. if roosevelt or a lactic hoover warned grass will grow the streets of a hundred cities and a thousand towns, the weeds will overrun the fields, of millions. hoover is probably is always good for a few quotations. [laughter] speaks to one of my favorite moments of amusement which i didn't put in the book the head of the women's division and the date democratic molly heusen how during the inaugural parade, part of the repost to hoover's comments of the grass growing, the inaugural grave included serious men with lawnmowers coming through the streets. [laughter] it is contrary to myth in the 1932 election was highly contested over substantial issues. it was very clear which candidate was promising what within a deal and he was
opposing it as a foreign of communists. there is no confusion on this.in the minds of the american electorate. i suppose it's with us worth a few seconds of why we believe it otherwise. it would not surprise you to know that roosevelt's opponents in the new year's of his first term, began to the new deal was all news to them. that this was nothing anyone had looked at. this was a surprise. therefore it marked a betrayal of the american electorate. in fact one anti- roosevelt monkey 1935, said that roosevelt had entirely ignored the campaign of 1932 and in his scent carried out word for word the first 12 planks in the platform of the socialist party. to the claim that roosevelt didn't campaign on the new deal is a claim that the new deal lacked democratic legitimacy which is what i see as a shrewd kind of thing to say about
roosevelt's administration because that's exactly what larry pointed out to you is most important thing the new deals could do which would assure people. that american policy in the democratic policy had legitimacy and could do forum what he had promised it would do. that's why the moment after the election was so critical. after that moment, roosevelt thought americans had been in despair and they lacked any evidence going forward but as he told one of his assistants, now there was hope. he knew he must not preside moreover his appointments as he told one of his aides. disappointed hopes rather than despair creates illusion. in that context i think that we need to understand the roosevelt heightens alarm at hitler's casserly as he told the french ambassador in recent february that western civilization is at
stake. cooperation established in the future of us and france's challenge. so we can see it through roosevelt it this moment in february 1933 was a great crisis for the us and for the world because roosevelt had promised a sweeping and specific new deal to restore prosperity and faith in democracy and a time when there was none. that is because we know why it was important to roosevelt, i think we could go forward into the campaign processes that is all the more interesting that they explain very briefly why it was also very important to hoover to not do that. hoover's reaction to roosevelt's near death experience was in a way this is revealing to us as anything else. hoover also thought civilization was at stake in a moment but for very different reasons. hoover didn't share the concern about the nazis, he thought them
curiously radical or reactionary party, he also thought they had no desire to dominate any but their own race. you can insert the irony thoughts here. [laughter] hoover of course that the great national press in the great democracy in the field and spent his last months of his presidency trying to assure that roosevelt could not fulfill those promises there is about held made during the campaign. hoover blocked the lame-duck congress from enacting the formally program that would've closely resembled the agricultural adjustment act that was later enacted in hoover did it by spreading he was going to veto any such plan that came out of the lame-duck fungus. they're going to do it later when roosevelt was present they couldn't do it now. he did a number of other vitally important things to try and block new deal or that type of action must partly to try to get roosevelt to promise not to
enact a new deal. he tried to get roosevelt to pledge that he would adopt hoover's own policies for dealing with depression. he demanded that the president-elect, promised to stay on the gold standard to balance the budget and to swear off any large public works programs. hoover said this is the only way to reverse the banking issues. as he told one of his republican allies privately if roosevelt did these things and he made these problems for these problem promises it would be abandonment of 90 percent of new deal. ". during the latter weeks of the faithful and nearly fatal banking crisis hoover tried to force roosevelt to demand any lunches biggest thing to do this right after the assassination attempt. hoover wrote very carefully repeatedly practice.
it was handwritten letter to franklin roosevelt. he had it delivered personally by the secret sent service nine page letter in one sentence of it congratulates roosevelt for not getting killed. mac the rest of it is about the need to abandon a new deal and blaming the banking crisis on franklin roosevelt. [laughter] hoover would later say that he tried to get roosevelt to cooperate with him. hoover was not thinking cooperation. as he says in this letter to roosevelt quote you are the only one" who could do anything to stop the panel. roosevelt could only do it because roosevelt was in hoover's view, alone responsible for the panic by promising all
of his reckless policies. therefore, as hoover would say over and over again to his aides and allies, roosevelt was quote the only man who had the power to do anything. hoover was helpless. of course when hoover said roosevelt could do something what hoover met was was about how to promise to be as helpless as herbert hoover. that wasn't hoover's view, the only way for roosevelt to end the banking crisis. hoover wasn't asking for roosevelt's cooperation he was asking roosevelt situation. i think it's worth giving attention to these months from november 1932 to march 1933 at the time when both roosevelt and hoover understood that the united states faced a pivotal crisis and they acted accordingly and they fought bitterly over this very short period. now in the near term of course we know that roosevelt prevailed and he didn't give into hoover's demands. he survived his assassination
attempts. he became president. he was able to fulfill the promises that he had made on the stump together with his party in congress and he did indeed engineer a rapid recovery. it won over the people who had voted for him and by 1936 the people who voted for him as well. he became the leading influence in the united states for the united states adoption of an anti- nazi foreign policy and of course the american economy who helped he helped ensure became the factory engine and second world war. it's also worth pointing out though that in the longer term that hoover also one. the version of republicanism he defined in the 1932 campaign, and these months afterwards, became the mainstream of the republican party. this idea that the new deal is a great existential threat to american institutions, became the abiding principle of what
hoover called the ark of the covenant for the republican party. although hoover wanted him to be president again and he never was and he would never leave the party betty had a profound influence on many people who did including not only richard nixon, his fellow californian who he later praised for exposing a new deal at the author of extreme of treason that has existed since 1933. hoover also inspired barry goldwater who credit the of former president providing him at basic thinking. hoover lived a very taut long time. he died in 1964 the age of 90 on the cusp of goldwater's transformative defeat. in the then became the foundation lunch for the republican party. hoover was once asked how he won his political arguments against such preventable photos. roosevelt said frankly i
outlived the masters. [laughter] herbert hoover also worked mightily to shake the way his own history was told. he especially tried to shake a narrative of these critical months. between 1932 in 1933 which i think we can say he correctly understood provided the ground zero not only for roosevelt's presidency but for american politics as we know them now. i will stop there in the hopes that you will now want to read the book. [laughter] [applause] >> where doing q&a so if anyone hamza question. >> turn of the microphone if you would be so good to do so. >> one thing the you are aware of is the film gabriel of the white house which came out in
1933 and was made during this pivotal period which americans crisis needed a dictator and walter houston said it out as a parting type president rubberstamping the republican and ended up being a transformed into someone who took charge and dismissed congress enacted on all sorts of reform is a dictator. >> thank you i do know about gabriel and i have a fairly long section on it in the book. it was a hearse project. william randolph hearst. in fact, a lot of what the houston character says after is been inspired, comes straight from verses: and you can trace it back to the column there. i think this is a very intriguing text. particularly for understanding
what william randolph hearst thought the new deal should be which is a little bit of dictatorship. this is a terrible movie. partly because it centers made it reshoot it several times and remove some of the when you see so what is in the movie, at one point a firing squad right in front of the statue of liberty. it doesn't apparently pull a lot of punches. i think the people have exaggerated the extent which it has anything to do with roosevelt. that is important understand. hearse at this.really wanted to influence roosevelt and he didn't quite grasp the new deal in a different dramatically than his own. i cover in some detail is sort of awkward negotiations between roosevelt and hearse emissaries during this period. very politely, as one would demand with the largest secular and the radio stations deep
personal radio broadcasts and films, very politely tried to explain the possibly his invasion of the deal was a bit more international. i'm very politely tried to describe the differences and you can see that in the roosevelt letter to hearst on the moment of the recut version of gabriel over the white house were roosevelt said is very interesting other people like what is very interesting. he uses the word interesting quite a lot. not great, but interesting. [laughter] if you want to know what hearst was thinking, i think april is very interesting text. it wasn't actually all of that popular. if you look and you can find all
of the old varieties where they give box office figures and it was pretty low. as you would imagine it needed to be recut movie about what the dictatorship could be. it is a very interesting and it helps us understand it is not just hers, walter litman became one's great establishment figure to the american. he prodded on roosevelt to try the fascist thing. roseville actually had to tell him to cut. i don't want and i am paraphrasing here and it's in my book the subtext of this remark is by my book. [laughter] you can't say these kind of things and you are giving aid and comfort to the forces of fascism is. roosevelt was very nervous about that and with good reason. gabriel --dash.
>> actually saw the show several years ago. >> is a great evening out for those of us who like 1933. [laughter] >> thank you for your presentation and i have a quick question. worst of all and all the reading that i've done over the years about the new deal, i don't recall reading anything about any contact between fdr and president hoover during the 12 years of fdr was president. i infer from that that there wasn't. i would like you to comment on that in the my second part very quickly, is there any relationship between the long and somewhat tedious back and forth between fdr and hoover during the interregnum of 1933 which led to a shortening effect in 1937. >> iq. those are excellent questions. on the first., i think it's always dangerous to exert the negative. i cannot swear to you that they never met. i know of no meeting between the
two of them. certain relationships between them were strained. again an echo of it into this in the book, publicly, roosevelt was very pleasant. if i'm not mistaken, often referred to him as brother hoover. but privately i think there was no love lost. i think the biggest thing you can.to there is hoover very much wanted to get back into the government's business. to back up a second. hoover not only was not bothered by the nazis in 1933, he reigned adamantly opposed to american involvement in the second world war even immediately after pearl harbor he like that on roosevelt's prodding of something. prevention is, he was not in his
substance. there is no close. unlike a lot of people he wanted to prove his worth by being involved in the war effort and of course the roosevelt administration did not involve him in the war effort or give him any position and specifically there was a conflict because hoover really wanted to provide aid to people in nazi occupied europe. the roosevelt administration thought that would be an aid to nazi -ism so there was not a likely use. an audible. [inaudible conversation] in fact, trying to put him in the government of the bank which was established as a peace terms of second world war. to your second question i think the answer is no.
the question is again it did all of this have anything to do with shortening the period and the answer is no because the cost initial a minute to do that was actually already ratified and i think in january or february of this period. the argument proposed and, through, the interesting.there that meant that the next inauguration would be in januare roosevelt could have had the uniquely short term in the presidency buddy eat actually turned out to having uniquely long-term in the presidency. >> i would like it very much if the bank of 1932 election was a serious debate over the new deal but how important do you think prohibition was at the election? >> i think that it really
depends on who you ask. the thing is by 1932, even hoover who is a free gardens drive it kinda backed off and qualified his position on prohibition. popular sentiment in terms largely critically electoral areas. hoover was trying to present himself not a prohibition it and he wanted prohibition to be repealed at a national level but have states to be able to preserve as much in the end. i'm not sure how substantiated the round coalition i am sure that it it was symbolically important. just as it was symbolically important that unlike al smith, roosevelt had many of the cultural markers abroad. he was sort of an upstate
protestant rather than a downs date catholic. there he didn't sort of excite the predecessors of many of the drive. so in terms of his residence, is still kinda stuck around eight think the actual subsidence was it was clearly in the way out. hoover did acknowledge that the democrats failed in their first attempt to appeal by then it was sort of a foregone thing. >> you push so many buttons and i thought your talk was excellent. you push so many buttons. i exist because my father met roosevelt and jimmy markers [laughter] and worked for him while he was governor in his new york townhouse and then later he didn't want to go with the mafia so roosevelt got his position as
a at the hotel and give him his citizenship. so that's one button. [laughter] the other thing is, i don't know if you want to go there, more into the future but elizabeth warren appears to be on the only one to be putting out programs and they may relate to roosevelt do you want to comment. >> i don't want to get into current politics it is obviously echoes. this is why a mention hurst negotiation to americans and has echoes in our modern politics and of course the new deal which very interestingly, a number of contenders in democratic nomination are trying to lay claim to that are proposing thanks for the future and are using that label and for so long
it had been out of favor in the let alone in american politics and it had seemed old-fashioned by the 1970s. whereas now it seems to have happy days are here again. i don't know what to say beyond that. i don't want to get into specific candidates but i do think it's worth noting that the idea of some kind of new deal does seem to be very important to many americans right now. >> about a decade ago i read a book by an nyu professor kim phillips pain about the called invisible hands. about the fact that during the hoover administration the community was so rattled by his inability of the government to for anyone to write the economy
that some of them actually gone in fdr's bandwagon and later a short period of time after fdr set up a new deal, that no longer happened and led by the dupont brothers they begin to destroy the new deal luckily they were so ham-handed in their public elections, and the coke brothers have learned some lessons than from that time. anyway but i am wondering about the roots of the p-uppercase-letter anti- new deal cabell if you could see them in the interim. >> yeah that's you mention the dupont brothers, they were behind the liberty meeting the conservative mostly conservative democrats who opposed roosevelt 1936 election and got started in 1935. they were offensively nonpartisan organization.
they made a big show of inviting the president. there is jim farley roosevelt's secretary of the democrats. the liberty leg is like cellophane like a dupont product you can see right through it. [laughter] >> the question whether he could see that at the moment i think you can. i think you'd have to know what you are looking for an essentially roosevelt presidency and even the campaign is very important because what it does for the future of the democratic party. the democratic party has been historically split organization largely geographically between large rural swaps which were committed to reconstruction after the wetness of white supremacy and segregation and the geographically smaller but much more populous and largely immigrant catholic neighborhoods and working-class neighborhoods in northern and western cities.
there is more than western democrats in urban democrats decided to be more progressive under the predecessor how smith, at least through some of the 20s and then the south tended to be los so. as a broad generalization of course. he becomes an anti- real conservative but that's a whole other story. roosevelt manages to try to push forward with a more progressive forum and democratic party and that becomes really clear during this period and that's when a lot of those people you mention get alienated from the roosevelt administration right away. during the campaign, roosevelt had quite shrewdly at assembled an advisory committee with many conservative corporate democrats like bernard so that they could get their advice and ignore it. [laughter] you can find roosevelt's and a secretary
talking specifically about this in a diary. one of his jobs to get these guys together periodically so that they feel consulted. but those guys were brought along with the idea that they might have an important voice in the administration. in about december 1932 it's only by january 1933 bruce doesn't get in and thomas doesn't get in, or is it doesn't get in a lot of these conservative democrats, people thought these were are the wise old guys that roosevelt will bring in and he's not going to be as radical as he sounds like. it turns out to be wrong. that really doesn't become entirely clear until later. that begins to happen around january 1933. the first guy that really we have a lot of importance with. he begins to try to pull away from those elements of support.
>> and i has just one more. really briefly. i did not read that book that i did pick up five years ago, i don't know whether it is somebody wrote a glowing biography calvin coolidge. herbert was a member of this cabinet. hoover's policies reflected by the coolidge policies which stood for modern generals and good for america. >> the general idea. hoover didn't get along with coolidge and vice versa. i think it's worth pointing out. in fact except for the group of people with whom he had served with world war i, hoover managed to alienate a lot of people.
[laughter] those guys really remained intensely loyal to him. they left him and they did things for him. everybody else kind of had a hard time getting along. coolidge was one of those. through the 20s, you can look at hoover and you could say here is somebody with a different kind of republic than coolidge did specially because of hoover's appointments as flood relief coordinator and the great mississippi flood of 1967 in awe he's here again the great manager, right engineer. however, is worth pointing out that in retrospect the great historian ruttenberg i think he said hoover presided in a fairly fashion. the exceptions that we can.out occur after the democrats in the
hat house of representatives after the election of 1930. then, the democrats eugene meyer, the been in the ministration pushed the compliance corporation which hoover ended up signing and then eliminated the operations. hoover is a pretty conservative president if not actually calvin coolidge president. likewise we can say that the harding coolidge years were not nearly we tend to think that they were. we were the nature of history i will briefly.out that one of the things that.folks.out about the 1920s was there was a severe recession after world war i and the people say look and they didn't do anything in the economy bounce back. this is gone on for a number of reasons the post-world war i
recession was engineered deliberately by the feds and it was largely reversed by the fence. the harding administration and the republicans actually had a massive interventionist respon response. huge farm loans using leftover world war i monies in roadbuilding and they also tried to restrict immigration and trade so there is a massive intervention response and of course the harding coolidge years are the years of a massive increase in federal involvement in the average american's life is called prohibition. people seem to miss when they 1920s, i think that there is probably not as much starch of difference. perhaps between these people. >> i am canadian. i am not a student of american history. so my question may be stupid so really please forgive me.
i was curious that you mentioned persons owning the media. what was the impact that the media have a roosevelt election and what they and how they behaved during the insurrection. whether they were really debate teams happening. >> this is a quick question. there is a canadian connection. i don't know if you know this. [laughter] my wife is also a distinguished historian is doing work on this newspapers in the 1930s. one of the things we don't appreciate now about those days of newspaper is that they required that you command a supply chain the structures all of the way back to canada. that's where they all owned huge canadian forest so that they can produce those sheets in the morning and evening.
that was one of their sources of and competitors was who was going to have the cheaper paper supply. to return to your question. first didn't control the media. he was probably one of the great titans of media in those days and certainly had his fingers in a number of media ties you can see in retrospect that there were other major newspaper chains and single major newspapers like joe patterson's new york news which was the largest circulation in the world. robert mccormick's tribune, patterson and mccormick, they were cousins, had a paper in a connection. they all ran very similar kinds of materials in this media landscape in these newspaper landscape. the thing about 1932 is however conservative herbert hoover.
for almost four solid years, the economy had gotten worse. month by month day by day. but some yukon from 1932, unemployment was estimate now in the neighborhood of 25 percent, it's very hard mccormick managed to be in favor of hoover. many other wise conservatives newspaper publishers were we should try something as roosevelt in may of 1932. so there was a kind of spectrum of roosevelt acceptance to probation in the present 1932. i might've been greater and you know, had he actually ran a more conservative campaign.
it's also clear that many people like hearst a particularly indulge themselves in the illusion that once in office, they would influence him to do the kinds of things they wanted rather than what he wanted. her stew is a very much in favor of cutting taxes for example, ask roosevelt to do that and wanted him to do that. garner was the sitting speaker of the house and tried to institute national failed tax which was a los period runs but had to say not going to do that. there was and it was hard to be pro- leaders. i'm sure some people tried. mostly people were sort of trying to influence roosevelt rather than necessarily to oppose him. they became fishes and became clear with the new deal would be like and especially when it became clear that roosevelt was going to.
[applause] [inaudible conversation] thank you very much everyone. [inaudible conversation] >> ever yearbook tv covers book fairs and festivals around the country. here's a look at some events coming up. over the labor day weekend, is the ajc decatur festival that takes place outside of atlanta. and will be live from the national book festival hosted by the library of congress in washington dc. later in the fall, look for us at the brooklyn book festival in new york city in the southern festival of books in asheville.
for more information about upcoming book fairs and festivals, and to watch our previous festival coverage, click the book fairs tab on her website with tv .org. >> honor author interview program afterwards, talked about her time in the marine corps and her efforts to overturn the ban on women in combat. joining the marine corps. >> i expected to be treated the same and it was very odd to not be treated like the guys and so we were segregated and we were in the segregated platoon of women. female drill instructors. i think of the training had been in the exact same, i might not have cared as much. i think often times people forget days and weeks of school or camp because it set the haze of reality. you're doing so much on so little sleep it goes by pretty fast for some of us.
i think that the physical standards were at the same that bothered me the most. there was also the flex women in the marines, it was really so humiliating for me because i couldn't do pull-ups and like all women could do pull-ups if we all trying to boot do pull-ups is just a matter of getting on the bar and training over time. i don't do a single person is not been able to do that who is able-bodied. we are seeing even today in marine corps policy that pull-ups are optional for women but still not required for physical fitness. that blows my mind because in fact those who are pursuing the pull-ups as an option are not only meeting the expectations but they have the marine corps but they are exceeding them. in fact the marine corps is having to raise that standard. i chuckle pretty hard when i heard that. it is of no surprise to us who
know this. when you make the institution are the same for men and women women will absolutely meet the standard. it works better for everyone. there is no resentment among men in fact there's a healthy competition and everyone excels. >> you can watch the rest of this interview by visiting our website book tv .org just type your name or the book title unbecoming in the search box at the top of the page. here are some of the current best-selling nonfiction books. according to the new york times. topping the list is jenna westover's account of growing up in the idaho mountains in her introductory to formal education at the age of 17. in her book educated. it's been a bestseller list for over year. next journalist lisa taddeo examines female sexuality and three women. then his former first lady michelle and obama becoming.
the best-selling book of last year. following tv and radio host a critical look at the media. wrapping up our look at some of the best-selling nonfiction books according to the new york times, is the pioneers. early settlers of the northwest territory. most of these authors have appeared on book tv. you can watch them online at book tv .org. book tv in primetime stars now. here's what's coming up. next one of american news network host liz wheeler offers her thoughts on how to debate the political left. then u.s. army war college history christian calorie counts the relationship robert a lee and stonewall jackson. on afterwards at 10:00 p.m. eastern, journalist natalie wexler argues that us education systems can be improved by expanding the curriculum of