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tv   Lectures in History Agricultural Labor Since 1930 and Organic Farming  CSPAN  May 12, 2018 8:00pm-8:56pm EDT

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wishes of the people in electing donald trump, for instance, and donald trump has termed at the swamp, which is probably deter most americans immediately understand because washington was at one point a swamp. the creatures coming out of the swamp are certainly biting and fighting back for the turf. >> watch sunday night at 9:00 eastern on c-span twos tv. next on lectures in history, tulane university professor teaches a class on agricultural labor in the united states since 1930. and the rise of organic farming. she describes the bracero program which brought temporary workers from mexico in the 1940's and 1950's, as well as a farm worker strike under leader such as cesar chavez. she argues that despite the rising consumer awareness relating to organic food,
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working conditions are not always considered a factor in what people buy. her class is about 50 minutes. what i want to do today is give us our third lecture in our unit about waiver in american food way. if we talk about the beef industry on monday and look at on wednesday we look at chicken stocks factory and production in the chicken industry here in the american south. today we will look at agricultural labor. as i said, those in the room were vegetarians are not off the hook. in fact, we have to think about the ways in which agricultural labor has often been exploited in a very difficult condition under which the vegetables that we eat are often consumed. is a very large rise in the recent years about the importance of eating locally and eating more vegetarian style food and more vegetables.
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michael, many of you might've heard of, he wrote "the on the fort dilemma." catch phrase that was popular which was common in food, not too much, mostly plants. this is good advice for those of us concerned about our help. eat less meat and again, we should have real food. alice waters, who is a chef, as well as barbara are both writers who have written a lot about the value of eating locally. how many have heard this sort of and to a farmers market? this idea that we should be eating more locally. this has a moral and ethical resonance that makes us closer to our food. some of you might have done woofing. woulds the idea that you go to an organic farm, be
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involved in local and sustainable agriculture. this is marketed as a cultural exchange program. but there is a sense that there is something that is going to make us improve ourselves. if we eat locally we will nor more -- know more about where our food is coming from. better for the environment, better for the community and better for our bodies. is problem -- the satirical version is the portland yet episode inportlandia 2011. as the students shaking their head. they ask what about the chicken, how local is it, what is the chicken's name and who is taking care of the chicken? it is this ongoing thing of interest and how local our food is. authors asks us if we eat locally does that actually mean that labor conditions are
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included in this idea of ethical eating? who is growing organic vegetables? what does it mean if we say that it is fair good farming? what do we expect that our local farming? she criticizes and critiques this idea that it is only about the quality of vegetable or animal and it is not about the working condition. today i am going to be looking at agricultural labor. michael has said we should eat more plants, we should know where they come from as well. a very long history of industrial agriculture in america with very difficult labor conditions, and a long history of labor organizing that is related to agricultural work. i am going to be looking at the program,f the bracero
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which is in california, as well as the farmworkers as -- and sees a chavez -- and cesar shah this. z. caesar chave we will be looking at new york state and in particular, the conditions on smaller farms in the hudson valley region. that is where we are moving today. i want to begin by talking about labor laws. does anybody have any questions before we move forward? want to talk about the labor thishat is governing spirit i talked about his 1935 national relations of labor act. this is the single largest piece of labor legislation passed in u.s. history. it is followed by the 1938 labor standards act that protects workers what -- workers rights.
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it protects the rights to organize and establish the national labor relations board. as i said, when the cio is organizing in the meatpacking industry in the 1930's, they are able to have an election. in majority of people voted for the union. the employer is supposed to recognize that union. this sets up our federal labor law. there is a big exception. the exception is agricultural workers and domestic workers. we talked about this and we talked about meat packing, the poultry industry, but i don't think i pointed out that it does not cover agricultural workers and domestic workers. the question is why not? why don't we have a labor law that covers these two large sectors of american employment? related to american racism and history of segregation's and drop discrimination -- job discrimination.
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is being farmed by sharecroppers, in particular, african-american sharecroppers. , who southern democrats they needed to pass this legislation during the new deal, were not willing to extend labored protections to industries that were largely african-american workers. agricultural work and domestic work, two areas predominantly african-american and disproportionately so, were not protected by the rights to union act. pass.able to nationally there is no national protection for farmworkers to this day. means that farmworkers, unlike other types of works, can work overtime and not get paid overtime. we think our average work week is supposed to be 40 hours and
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you get paid more if you work more than 40 hours a week, that is not true if you are working most states.e in there are about one dozen states that have individual laws for their states for agricultural protection, but on the whole there is still no federal protection. is framing this discussion. we talk about agricultural workers and we have to recognize that they are working with fewer protections and industrial workers in our food system. this brings me to california, which is the iconic -- look at this image. this is dorothy elaine who goes on to -- not only issue famous for this image on the image of the depression, but she becomes an extremely important photographer documenting farm labor in california in the 1930's. i want to begin by talking about
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california in particular and farm work. we'll talk about the rise of agriculture in california and what will be known as the "bracero" program. california is one of the largest agricultural industries. are any of you from california? only a few of you. the thing about the imperial valley, we have large numbers of farmworkers. it is very difficult labor conditions. like getting strawberries in january. we like being able to get the fresh produce year-round. part of this is because our agricultural industry in places like california and florida. california alone accounted for 30% of our -- of all of our farm in 1929. in the 1920's this labor of men
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and women, women and well, were working in california. california was largely mexicans and filipinos. there is a large immigrant population. the number of mexicans double during the decade to 1.4 million. initially when mexicans would come they might get a job on an individual farm. by getting a job on one farm you would have certain benefits. it brings about. i have a single's, a relationship that individual. you might get more benefits, more days off at a little bit more attention. as the agricultural industry grows, you get more and more migrant labor and farms relying on workers going from farm, to farm, to farm.
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this would be making sure that mexicans and filipino workers did not own the land. they would follow the seasons cutting fruit and fetch about crop. they got paid fairly low wages. extremely demanding. dorothea begins to photograph these workers in the 1930's while she herself is working as a photographer for the federal government. what we need to think about here is really think about the ways workers are then taken out of agricultural farming. there are in fact union organizing going on in the 1930's. the cio and the industrial setting is also in the agricultural setting, but they do not have the same protections.
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seersve certain organize that are not particularly successful. here is another image of an agricultural worker. carey mcwilliams is an author in the 1930's who writes this book called factories in the field. we think about upton sinclair writing about the meatpacking industry, kerry said something very similar to the agricultural industry. he writes about mexicans and filipinos and he is trying to write about this new vision of the united states, one based on immigrants and workers. he is a political left is an activist. what changes is we have the run
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up to world war ii in the 1940's. business is ii agro having a labor shortage. you begin to have more and more workers in the industry and you also have men you are going to fight in world war ii. this means large agricultural industry california are saying, wait a second, who will pick the crops? we will knock it workers that we are used to. we'll have enough people at the time of the harvests. they have the u.s. government as well as the mexican government to become involved and help solve their labor program. they said there is a program -- they started the program called the "bracero" program. i want to spend time on this because it is the same program where she writes about jamaican guest workers. means armed, bringing
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physical labor into the united states. the united states still has guest workers and they still work on american farms. what is this guestworker program? why was it important for american agriculture? as i said, there was a sense of the labor shortage during world war ii. you have the u.s. government and the mexican government that would get together. they would say we need this many workers in the united states, we will recruit them in mexico and we will bring them into the united states, but they can only work for the set of their contract for six months, three months, and a year and then they will go back to mexico. it is notthat -- meant to be in immigration program, it is meant to be a labor program. first, the u.s. government was skeptical of the program.
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the labor department was worried. they said wait a second, we are bringing all these workers from mexico? want that bring wages down? we are bringing them into do low-wage agricultural work than they are not competing with american workers, that means wages are going down. immigration is also worried about the program. they are worried it will lead to more undocumented workers. the mexicans will come into the united states, i they going to go back or are they going to stay in the united states? there is skepticism on the point of view of the u.s. government, or branches of it about the "bracero" program. initially it is supposed to be temporary. it is world war ii and we need to get the crops picked him we don't have enough workers. lasts for over 20 years and it become central to americans agricultural labor practices for the midcentury.
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essentially the agricultural industry -- industry is able to convince the government that this is good for the economy, good for the company so the "bracero" program gets put in place. the idea of the "bracero" program and future guestworker programs is the following. first you would apply for the job in your home country. these are mexicans lining up for the job in mexico. you apply in mexico for this type of work. then go to a screening .rocess in your home country you come to the united states on a very specific contract. you are told how much you will get paid, how long you are allowed to work for and you are told who your employer is going to be. important because it makes it different from other types of immigrant workers. about thee, we think
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undocumented worker and they don't like their employer, they can quit and look for another job. they might not have options but they can quit and look for other jobs. , lookworkers cannot quit for another job and remain legally on their contract. this means it's difficult for guest workers to organize her advocate because it not allowed to look for other jobs. if they complain, criticize or try to organize, they can be sent home. that can be a violation of their contract. also, guest workers are not allowed to stay in the united states passed their contract. in,idea is that they come they do the labor, they can send their money home and they are able to go back to their home country at the end. here we can see some of the "bracero" working in the field. you should know there is a couple of different consequences. the wages are fairly low and
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they start around $.30 and go up to $.50. they are very hard to enforce these levels. the department of labor is concerned that this will depress , givingkers labor wages all these people coming in working at a set price and they are not going to be able to bring up the wages more broadly for american workers. the u.s. government says we will not discriminate against these individuals, they will not have to face jim crow like experiences. this is very hard to monitor. these jobs in large numbers and why? it is more money than they would be making in mexico. to the united states, they work for a short time, they make enough money, they go home and come back with another contract. this is not a small program. this is 200,000 people a year.
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in caught in, citrus and let us and they are central to the american agriculture. punk houses like this one. they had their houses included that they are very poor and enclosed conditions. they often complained about what they felt with having their wages rescinded. or they do not feel like they got their full amount of money. the most common complaint they had was underpayment. people also complain about housing, about the food not being good enough, about pay out, illegal deductions. about threads, occupational hazards in the field. i know about this because i they writers -- letters to mexican consulates. it would say how badly they were treated and they would ask for help. "we weren said
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promised room and board but we have to pay for it." another said" i left because i we not make much money. stayed in a shock, the roof leaked and there were bugs all over. we cannot see how much caught and we picked because they would not let us way it ourselves. " companies were taking advantage of them. try to take money from them, charging them more for food and barracks, not giving them a good quality living situation. enough workers that this program persisted well into the mid-1960's. in fact, a lot of material comes from a book. if you're interested it is a good book to start with. thele who criticize "bracero" program were activists. they thought it kept wages too low.
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is an important person to know about. how many of you have heard about cesar chavez? i think it is really important we think about ernesto. he was a mexican-american labor activist and he became prominent because he is interested in organizing farmworkers rights to unionize the he is also opposed program.racero" he becomes a leading intellectual and labor activist. he writes is important book called merchants of labor. he criticizes this program because he argued that the agricultural industry is intentionally getting vulnerable workers. now the workers cannot unionize because they are not protected by union laws. they cannot even quit. if they try to have campaigns of themselves they could easily not be hired back would be sent
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home. he is the reasons i think informative is because he does not criticize the individual "bracero." early 20thom the century and is mexican-american. he is very interested not in criticizing the "bracero" himself. he is not just did in the mexican worker coming over to work in the field. he understands why they want to make money and why this is a more desirable job that not. his critique is structural. he says that what this does is putws agro business to undocumented workers and 's} against each other were not able to advocate for themselves. the term wet, which is
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racialized for mexicans. he says bracero's and wet other two sides of the point that cuts down the farm laborer, to prevent union organization. to run american citizens off farm jobs, especially on the corporation. he really becomes a shock advocate and the "bracero" program ends in 1964. ernesto did not have that much power or clout. immigration laws are being passed in 1965. in many ways it changes the agricultural industry. is ended in 1964 and that leaves an opening for to think about agricultural labor organizing in the mid-1960's. program it in that
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was almost impossible to unionize because all the workers take those places. of the program in makes it easier for agricultural workers to think about joining in union, although the barriers are still -- are still very high. we will see if anyone has questions about california or the "bracero" program. just wait one second. the "bracero" program, or reapply, orew reapply, where they likely to go back to the same farm? what was a process like? gof. lipman: yes, people back to same places all the time. i have two different ways of answering. in this 1940's and 1950's period they had multiple farms. they go to one farm, then the next, then the next. then they would go home for a
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month they go back out. people do go year after year to california or to texas, they also go to other states. you should know that some people overstay and become undocumented . other people get married and become legal citizens. it goes in multiple directions. i will talk about it briefly, but i will skip forward. in new york state people do go back to the same farm over and over. this is an article about jamaican guestworkers, which is a similar type of program. in those cases people go back to the same farm year after year. it depends. other questions. about cesar talk chavez very briefly because i do want to get to new york. you cannot talk about agricultural labor in a class like this without mentioning farmworkers and the information this game for mexican-american
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activists and farm workers labor activism. who is cesar chavez and what do people know about him? what do people know about him? maybe you have learned about cesar chavez somewhere. in the back. workers revolution. do know anything else? workers revolution, yes, he is a labor activists. what else? great -- ons on inat -- on grapes california. you might see streets named after him. he is probably the most well-known mexican-american activists from this time period. there is a very romantic idea around cesar chavez.
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there are a few cautionary thoughts i'll have at the end. he was born in arizona, his family moved to california and he worked as a migrant farm worker for a short time. he then becomes a community organizer in the 1960's. as a community organizer he is interested in mexican-american rights. to really improve the quality of life for mexican-american farmworkers and he is in delano, california. things you might be less familiar with is philip. the key point i want you to know z andm talking about chave mexican americans. this is a coalition between filipinos and mexican americans. we should think about this is an ethnic coalition. the code the filipino workers are the ones that pushed chavez
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on strike. it was a higher minimum wage, one dollar 50 cents an hour. the right to unemployment insurance and the rights to higher union and have them be hired by the union hall. he always wanted more than just a union. as a movement for mexican-american rights and for labor rights. the first strike happened in 1965. chavez uses three tactics to workers unionize in the agricultural industry. common inwas the most some ways iconic, which is the strike. farmworkers were going to go on strike. they had filipinos workers of may wanted to go on strike. they are not getting paid enough for me want to increase the
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wages. we are walking out, he going to be with us? havez thought they were not quite ready. he calls a strike for the u.s. w. figure anda national the strike its national attention and they set up ticket lines in the field. they would senate in the california fields with a grope -- with hopes of trying to prevent other workers from taking their place. this is only partially successful. the employers could hire other workers. again, they would move it. was a whole group that would go out and do guerrilla theater in the field. get some able to higher wages but not across the board.
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so the second thing job as does, is he begins in march. and thinking again, what are the tactics that could be used to improve these workers' working conditions? we can't get everybody to strike and we can't actually stop production, so what we are going to do is march so that more people see us. 1966, the ufw and chavez lead a march to sacramento, the capital of california. it beenpoint to strike going on for six months, and the idea was to bring more attention to the workers. get out of the fields, who is going to see them in the schools? we need to be public, we need to be political, people need to see us.
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they used images like the virgin mary, and this was done both to give an ethical argument to the idea of farm workers' rights, as well as really resonating with a mexican-american population that was strongly catholic. so here we have again, the march. and we can see these marchers going up to sacramento. become mostt they associated with is the boycott. the strike, useful but not totally successful grid the march, they get their message known to a larger population, particularly in california but also nationally. but they still don't have a union, and they still don't have better wages. so, how are they going to do this? and this ties again into our reading for today. they try to focus on consumers, all of us in this room. and they said, rather than
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trying to focus on the company or the state legislature, we are going to bring consumers into this, and we are going to tell them it is not ethical to eat grapes. that if they grapes, they are supporting work working conditions, don't talk about -- abouthey don't care farmworkers. but if they boycott greats, this is in solidarity with us because we care about where our food comes from and how it is grown, and we won'tkaged, eat grapes if we think they are being unethically produced. the national labor relations act i talked about in 1935, it outlaws a boycott. you can't use a boycott if you are trying to actively start a union. farmworkersause the are not covered by labor law, they are able to use the boycott. there is actually a moment when arounde able to navigate
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a lot and use something like a boycott. this becomes a national boycott and it is very successful, because it is cross class. and when you think about the movement today targeting wealthier consumers, middle -class consumers, people that go to the farmers market on a sunday afternoon, this movement largely middle-class, urban, consumers across the country. californiaher in said, what do you mean you eat grapes? this is been tied to the sense of liberal politics, standing up with great workers. ufw was able to make this a national movement is, they send farmworkers all canada. country and detroit, boston, philadelphia,
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montreal, toronto, and they create coalitions between farm workers and consumers. and they say this is what we need to do to get improvements in farmworkers' lives, and there's a real sense of optimism. the high point was in 1970, when many of these farms sign contracts with the united farm workers and their millions of supporters across the country. as one of the most successful boycotts and 20th american -- 20th century american history. all sory is not romantic. 1970 was the high point but things quickly go off the rails. as much as i would like to say this is a story about how things improve a lot, in fact, things very quickly go bad. the same types of long hours, physical hardships and no recognition follows.
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the united farm workers was much more successful social movement, and much less successful as a union. if you are interested i have the books i can suggest, fight between the ufw and the teamsters, fights within the ufw itself, and they are actually able to represent fewer and fewer farmworkers over the course of the 1970's, 19 80's, and 1990's. and today very few farmworkers, and places like california even, where there is now state legislation, are protected by union contracts. chavez himself has an interesting, long history as well. ofis very critical undocumented workers because he sees them competing with the mexican americans he is trying to represent in california. here is an image of the boycott. are clearly trying to not
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look like hippies. you can see they are wearing suits and trying to demonstrate their respectability politics. here again, boycott california greats was across class, across race coalition and this is really about consumers and labor coming together. any questions about chavez or the great boycott, etc.? ok. move to the last aboutt of this lecture, new york state. thinking about how this affects what we today, and the ongoing relationships between farm labor often very difficult conditions and often far fewer rights than those of us who work, whether it is in universities or fast food restaurants or poultry plants,
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who are protected by labor law, at least on paper, while farm workers are not how many of you are from new york -- farmworkers are not. how many are you from -- of you are from new york? new york has a large agricultural sector in the hudson valley. and new york is promoting this idea of going to the farm, you are going to be close to nature, and there is something past world, agrarian traditions, that we are going to be able to be at one with both the countryside, and the earth. and this will give us a respite from ethical and moral sensibilities. york is though new really urban, it has a large agricultural industry, which is important both for agriculture and for tours. -- and for tourism.
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toy have high direct consumer sales, which means they care about this idea of localism. they make a lot of money saying, our farms are local. these are small farms, these are not big california agriculture, this is not florida. we have a workers -- few workers and small farms, etc.. so this is how new york is different. so the question is, who is working in new york? who are our workers in new york state? and the first answer is the jamaican guestworker program. i talked about the bracero program ending in the 1960, but that doesn't mean the program ended. the program morphed. the book "no man's land,"that in excellent book about guest workers in the u.s. we still have guest workers working in new york state in large numbers, although increasingly less.
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article just last month in "the new york times" about the guest workers. this allows farms in the northeast to recruit non-u.s. labor. also, the idea that the farm asked to actually advertise and say, there is no american who wants these jobs and then get the paperwork in to bring the guestworkers. many of these guestworkers come back to these same farms over and over again for multiple years, lace and of the money and the idea is that at the end they will not stay in the u.s. but will return to jamaica. sees this program as beneficial for the country because the economy there is depressed. this is a way to bring dollars and to jamaica, in particular. these workers have relatively few options.
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they can't quit and stay in the u.s. legally. difficult to protest their working conditions. and they often are very isolated as well. where youcalifornia have large numbers of workers on these farms, the downside of a small farm if you are a farm worker is, you might be one of seven or eight people on a farm. you might be isolated. you will be father away from your community. some workers drop out and become undocumented, some mary u.s. u.s.ens -- some marry citizens, but these guest programs do underpin much of the agriculture in the united states. but it goes on the decline as more and more farms begin to hire undocumented workers. i was listening to npr this morning. there is going to be a story on the news this afternoon.
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they are actually doing a segment about guestworker programs and the aging population. if you look at these men, they are not young. many of these men are older, and what does this mean for them as workers? and also, what is the commitment these firms at made to them -- these firms have made to them? do they need to hire these workers you are after your because they have made a commitment to them, or do this and to go with less expensive workers? one author argues there is a move from guestworkers to undocumented workers. new york firms generally morer undocumented workers than guestworkers. it is not across the board, but the guestworker program is bureaucratic, it requires a lot of paperwork, and you do have to pay people at a particular level. so many farms have now turned to undocumented workers.
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populations are vulnerable and have limited ability to advocate for their labor rights. farms are able to use these populations in concert as they work and need crops to be picked. some of these guestworkers are -- if i was a u.s. citizen i could ask for more money, walk off the job and get an easier job. and the department of labor says, this is a strategy to pay people less. says,partment of labor you and i know the reason you bring in jamaican and mexican workers is control. they are abused. the can't leave. don't push it under the rug. you know more than all of us. you see every day. and the farmers come back and say, we have such a small margin. if there is a bad season, if it rains, what are we supposed to do? -- we't people to pay
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can't afford to pay people more when we are working on such a small margin. so what we have is a final strategy for improving workers' conditions. in the justice for farmworkers campaign, i want you to think about the comparisons to souza and sinclair. what does this mean for these activists and writers? what are their politics? in a case, justice for farmworkers decides to focus on legislation. they say, we are never going to get anywhere unionizing, people are too spread out, they are scared they could be fired, we are going to work on legislation. we are going to change the law in new york state. goodhey are able to get laws passed, in my opinion, in the 1990's. talked about this last week, like bathroom breaks, basic and nifty. in 1996, a new york law was passed that employers were
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required to provide drinking water for farmworkers. you did notewer have to buy enough water, and now it says it doesn't matter if you have one employee or 10 employees, everybody deserves water. in 1998 a law was passed that you had to have a port of potty, a toilet, and hand-washing facilities, and again, if you had five workers before you would have been exempt, but now if you are a small farm with only five or six workers, you need to provide a place for people to use the bathroom. raised the they minimum wage up to the standard state minimum wage. in 2010 they tried to pass new legislation called the farmworkers fair labor actresses act. and it reaches the new york state senate. it is the first real debate about labor protections and almost a century, at least 70 years.
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and this is what the law would have done. it would have said farmworkers deserve over time. farmworkers currently do not get overtime pay, and that is legal. the reason is the idea that i farm needs people to work long hours. it is not like a factory where someone can work for eight hours and higher summit else to work eight hours. on a farm you need somebody to milk a cow every four hours, he can't just tire 74 and eight hour shift, we need to hire someone for longer. this would have created overtime after 55 hours, still longer than what you would work in an industrial setting. they also said people should the required one day off per week, a 24-hour rest. they are inthough farm labor they should be able to get a day off for rest. that they would have collective bargaining rights. so if somebody was tried to organize they would not be fired. right now if you are trying to
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organize and you are fired, there is no protection against that on a farm, based on federal law. so these would be to three things in this law, and yet he did not pass. it was very close, 31 against or, largely- geographic lines. the urban reps supported it and the rural reps said, you don't understand the farm industry because this is going to kill family farms. really argument that was interesting is that, many attacks against the labor legislation used the same sort of rhetoric of agrarianism. don't term farms -- don't turn farm into factories. they used the rhetoric of paternalism to say the factory and the farmer different, we
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don't need legislation, we take care of our people and we want people to make enough if we have these protections. in place and it is interesting -- protections in place. and it is interesting to see this come together, the moment where the reddick of the test oral is a ms. used to explain away labor rights -- the is used of pastoralism to explain away labor rights. yorkd farm workers in new have the right to unionize? this is going to the new york state courts right now. i.e. organic vegetables and strawberries and i also like going to the farmers markets, but think about this beyond just the question of what pesticides were used. think about this beyond the question of, does the chicken get to roam around, how much space does a chicken have, does
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it have to mend the antibiotics -- does it have to many antibiotics? the men andout women who grow these vegetables and cultivate these vegetables and pick them at the harvest so someone like me can go by them. consumers need to think about paying more for local food. cash it doesn't mean we only pay more for organic, it means we pay more for food that was grown under better conditions. as one of the lead plaintiffs in the case said, he said we deserve to be treated with dignity. our labor is important to mr. hernandez. they treat the cow is better than they treat us. the whole industry is this way. so when we think about this question of eating, we need to make sure we know who is producing that food in front of us. margaret answered this by saying, this new approach to
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pursuing justice can be as the inverse of upton sinclair's maxim, farmworkers are aiming at the public stomach in order to get to our hearts, rather than the reverse. know about the things you -- things you need to know, the program, the united farm workers, says a chavez, and farmworkers in upstate new york. makes are your name is on this list. we will see everyone in the discussion session sunday. join us every saturday evening at 8:00 p.m. and midnight eastern as weak joint students in college classrooms to hear lectures on topics ranging from the american revolution to 9/11. lectures in history are also available as podcasts.
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visit c-span.org/history/podcasts, or download them from itunes. >> c-span, were history unfolds daily. in 1979 c-span was created as a public service by america's cable television companies. and today, we continue to bring coverage ofred congress, the white house, the supreme court and public policy events in washington dc and around the country. c-span is brought to you by your cable or satellite provider. >> this weekend on the presidency, hillary clinton tons lyndon johnson rabb talk about former first lady betty ford. here is a preview. hillary: when president ford
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became president for, i along with the rest of the country was introduced to betty ford. and aside from being beautiful and graceful and gracious and humble and welcoming, she was fears. that she was fierce. the e.r.a.,for which was not quite as off-limits as a leader became because of all kinds of efforts against it, but betty ford is the first lady speaking out in favor of the equal rights amendment was astonishing. and i was living in arkansas, and the work she did was just like a thunderclap. people felt it, believed it, were in all of it. of i just -- were in awe it. and i just thought that took so much grit and guts. we all know her work on behalf
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of breast cancer, because it wasn't just her openness about it. and it was very personal to me because my mother's best friend, a woman who lived across the street in the 1960's, came down with breast cancer and nobody talked about it. i was friends with her children and my mother was over there every afternoon just about. we had no idea what was wrong with her, because you just did not talk about breast cancer than. -- breast cancer then. and she died. and it was only after she died that i learned what she had been going through. betty ford came along, and that great picture of her in the hospital room with her husband and bob hope and that big smile, and that perfect hairdo [laughter] reassuring and
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invigorating to have an important person, let alone our first lady, who was so open and honest and personal about the struggle. but then she went on and she campaigned for better breast she certainlynt, blew away the stigma that has stood in the way of women even feeling comfortable getting examinations. i can't imagine how many lives she saved, directly and indirectly because of her courage in facing up to her own disease. watch the entire program sunday at 8:00 p.m. and midnight eastern on the presidency. this is american history tv, only on c-span3. >> monday on landmark cases, regents of the university of bakke.rnia versus
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overaimed he was passed for the uc davis medical school over less qualified minority applicants and took the university system to court or in the supreme court system struck down the university's specific admissions program and helped -- and upheld the constitutionality of affirmative action under the 14th amendment. the actingcuss it is solicitor general from the obama administration from 2010 to barnett, aandy professor and libertarian commentator. -- amonday night at nine 9:00 eastern on c-span. follow us at c-span. we have resources on our website for background on each case, the landmark cases companion book, to the national constitution center and the landmark cases podcast, at
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c-span.org/landmark cases. >> next on american history tv, army veteran colonel gregory discusses his book. a tank fontenot , discusses his commander during the 1991 gulf war, focuses on changes the division went to -- went through after the vietnam war and help -- and how those innovations help them defeat at least a dozen iraqi divisions during operation desert storm. the kansas city public library posted this hour-long event. host: good evening, everybody. i'm the director of programming at t k

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