tv U.S. House of Representatives Legislative Business CSPAN January 26, 2016 4:00pm-6:01pm EST
project. and that is troubling to me because i think while there is a sobering lesson that america is trying to learn about in the middle east, china is a very no one story and it would be ever talked about regime change in china. it is unthinkable. but it is very important for the americans to continue to see china as having lots of overlapping and similar aspirations, both economically and politically. and it's important to keep paying attention and supporting hose individuals who are maybe marginalized and have been, but they are still enjoying the support, sometimes sigh lent -- silent. david: this is a constant
argument and just doesn't apply to china but applies to the soviet union that somehow the dissidents got too much attention, that if you did a readout of number of stories by "new york times" or somebody, they are way too much on name your chinese dissident or whoever it was. ow do you feel about this? jiayang: i definitely see pete's point earlier focusing on a place and perhaps social issues that exist outside the political hotspots. i think a lot of times there is thatch -- there is a sense china is a bit of an unknown
quantity and fear mongering becomes easy and anything that happens, anything that happens in china becomes, well, that is no chinese, the nationalists or there is rich chinese, that is so specifically chinese rather than contextalizing it rather than in social and economic terms. rat they are than an outgrowth that has cultural elements. hose impulses are universal. >> i did see places over the course of my 11 years that i ocused on years.
i was in a small village outside beijing and very different places and i did see the same dynamic in each place which is a lot of the talented people were recruited in the party. a lot of the best students became party members. and i had this idea before i went there that the smartest kids are going to be dissidents. but the best kids, the class monitor, a very sharp kid. and the kids, there are a group of smart kids who didn't want to do that and went off in a different direction. and the people who -- in these communities who resisted ran out of options or connections. and this was a very striking pattern. i saw it in all three places. one was in a village, and
another was in a factory town. it's not an uplifting story but this makes sense to me why this place has not been changing because the talent is rather recruited or co-opted and the people that are most likely to resist are the ones that are somewhat desperate. and i remember a sad scene when i was building a dam and there and they were showing me documents and making their case and at some point they are like, wait a minute, you write for a foreign mag magazine. i said this is -- we are selling the country out. we can't do this. and they totally flipped out. and i -- i felt bad. these people have enough to worry about it.
if you don't want me to write it. how are they going to deal with this problem and how are they going to get tracks when they can't communicate with me as a sympathetic journalist. the only guy of this group who became confident, he said who do you write for. i was impressed. and at the end of the conversation, i asked what do you do here, he said i sell tiles. he hedged his bets and selleding tiles. aw this thing a lot. >> one of the dynamics is how your stuff is played back into the country where you are. david: in the 1980's, the way it got played is through radio liberty.
and when you started to go to china and publishing in "the new yorker" did you have any resonance whatsoever that what you published thousands of miles away somehow got back to china at all? and how did that affect your life as a writer? olol -- orville: everything changed and you have to look at china as this almost play with different acts when you get a very different per sona expressing itself. and china doesn't changes but a different aspects comes to the floor. the 1980's was incredible openness. people were translating philosophies and political
structures, laws that would enthrone journalists having legal rights. it was incredible. what one wrote came back with a vengence. a couple of translations which the chinese could read them. indiscernible] open : and china became for a little while. you have to look at the decade and the period to know what the interaction is with the foreign press, whether there is an
interest in it. bru i think it's important to say that what we see now in china is not the whole story. it's a period -- there is a deeply evolved tradition in chinese political philosophy, thinking, and it is very democratic. we shouldn't assume that the party doesn't want to hear about it that it is erased. avid: how is it expressed in contemporary life? how are they read about and exchanged? orville: you hear it in private conversations. you won't see it so much in public media. those things are quite well controlled. and there is a you till tarian streak in culture and society. people go where they aren't
going to get in trouble. and determines as you said most people are going to go. tile business, good. going into politics and running trouble, no. >> one of the things that were specific about this period is that it was not as if there were bright lines between who was political and who was not. there used to be a clear distinction. ou made a choice to become political, one of my favorite pieces was an experience about a dissident. in the period in which i was living there in the beginning of 2005, people were self-politicizings. the technology was changing. you could go online and have a voice and say something and you could identify and find people who goode with you or disagreed
with you. you could fight with them. you could choose your tribe and values and express them. there was a time when we used to assume that most people had been so poor so recently that they didn't care about politics. because it was true actually. for a lot of people, it had been so hard that the idea of concerning yourselves with abstract notions of, you know, values was a distraction that people couldn't afford. there was a guy that i wrote about, the last blog post i wrote about before coming home was about a street sweeper on the street where we lived who, when i met him, i thought i understood the contours of his life. he wears an orange sute. a are started talking to him and people think i have no culture and no education and what they poet.know is that i'm a
i i sell poetry and i thought he was bonkers. he was a celebrity on-line. he was a figure with authority and had an identity that was completely detached to what would be visible to you. this period was an extraordinary time where people were developing additional lives and that was kind of thrilling to describe. david: it's it like for you to be sitting here in new york trying to follow china and chineseness and chinese life through the various -- if you could describe what those members of the committee nismsr where they are limited, where they are exciting. but tell me. [laughter] david: what online life is like
and what can you find what life is like. jiayang: i fear from missing out when i'm reading whether through [indiscernible] it does sort of feel like like pol it feels like a metro inch s is building and don't know what neighborhoods are going to flourish. and i'm always -- a lot of times it's a subject that i'm interested in and see what the conversation is like and who is talking about and what parameters of that conversation are. and what i find is that oftentimes -- it's not oftentimes not what i would expect. i think for a lot of -- whenever talk to chinese friends about
the idea of dissidents abroad or i t their significance is, feel sensitiveness. and they say that's what your reporting is and your narrative and that they are always heroes and not part of the mainstream that they are somehow are better than the rest of us. so online, i find not all -- but ametimes when they talk about book that is particularly appealing, it's not always the book itself that is interesting
but how they see that book and how they -- their vision of china is what they see in the book. david: what do you derive from that? a: a creative internet and silos just like -- 70 of bloggers making all kinds of noises in all directions. and when i talked about like beijing is like a skin rash to me because it irritates to me. as soon as i leave, i come back and i have this itch to go back. you have this a distance and you possibilities re and people walking around with
masks and they have multiple -- david: what are you not hearing? what is being shut out of the internet? zha: there is an ongoing and intense fileic censorship of the political commentary. pseudof people post with names and a lot of them move out of the public space which is the chinese form of twitter which is more private and harder to track. [indiscernible] zha: and there are thousands of professional believers and that's their job to delete, delete. the dissidents are not just out
in the open. and a lot of these chinese will mask themselves as good citizens because they know it's too dangerous. everybody has a self-interest. people want to show at some point when it's not too risky that they also have a heart and care about certain issues, too. but they get defensive, like she was saying when they get accused of being a coward. if you read the chinese internet, there is a lot of talk about cynical little person who becomes so much that it a fake person. a lot of double talk going on. a lot of guilty conscience going on. but i think we should remember
what was said earlier, when he went in there -- he had no clue that something might happen, which did happen majorly, just a few years later. there is that predictability about a place about so mass and so complex and it is constantly fluid and evolving. so we shouldn't have any conclusion at this point. it's just another chapter. david: this is a moment where there is a slightly uncomfortable hinge. but we do want to have questions and feel free to fire away. are there microphones?
zha: i was born and raise dollars in beijing and came as a student and returned to live in china and that was still and i i actually there during moved back again. and i went back and forth. so currently, i actually divide my year, half and half between china and the u.s. i'm making a home here and there. avid: this gentleman here. audience member: i'm kind of
curious about this transpacific partnership, which president obama says or he seems to imply he wants to contain china economically. why not engage china or encourage china to join the t.p.p. and if so, would china be receptive to joining that so we could have some universal rules of international trade and finance, everybody playing by the same rules? >> it is interesting in your question when you said obama -- i think owe baum after is emphatic about not using that kind of language. there is an impression among some in the u.s.-china relations that is the intent of the t.p.p. if you look at it a slightly different way -- let's talk
frankly, the t.p.p. was to design the relationship. china was not one of the first countries involved. china may be a member. in the beginning chinese officials were opposed to the idea. they interpreted this as a hostile act. if you talk to beijing, they say in the long run this isn't all that bad. if the united states had not signed a trade deal with asia, then the so-called pivots to asia would have been a military exercise and all about security. let's remind ourselves this is a much broader relationship than just security and we need to be there for all kinds of reasons. i wouldn't count out that we wouldn't find ourselves that hina will be in the t.p.p. david: you can go first and then
this woman here. audience member: my question is about writing. like when -- i loved china when i was young and right now i'm trying to write about china. p and i'm trying to explain what turns out to be difficult. and more important thing is, sometimes i get a feeling that western americans might not even care. so how do you make the strangeness relateable to the american reader? >> you could say that about the g.o.p. debate. [laughter] pete peet i don't know how to
answer. knowing your subject is important and when it is no longer strange to you, it is easier to convey that isn't outlandish or unfamiliar. but i think that are basically writing about china is the same as writing about america. and most of us have written. i was in colorado and wrote about small towns in colorado and i'm in cairo and i write about things in egypt. but it's the same app and it requires the same kind of legwork. there is nothing special about china. i think -- maybe it's hard to penetrate, but the same tools that you used to approach the other place are necessary there. david: next question was down
here. audience member: i write for hong kong media and discuss how "new yorker" coverage and how it changed china. one of the many changes i think is the wave of nonfiction writing in china. chinese writer to write nonfiction and i wonder, i don't know how much you read about how chinese writers coverage china in nonfiction style and what do you think i'm missing in those pieces? nd what makes a good writer? it's not a question you could answer in a minute. >> i think it's true, there are a lot of magazines and period
calls that have sprung up that re very much inspired by the "new yorker." two that give enough time to make your case. en i first started for the magazine, it was quite astounding, five consecutive issues and you had a chance to kind of feel that you -- it wasn't like evan described as 999 wordsment the challenge in writing this way, it's that challenge they are confronting and trying to be more innovative and that is the controls and what you feel you can write and hat can be published easily. china is a creative place in many ways for writing. you want to be in public,
herwise you are nobody reads it. and that could be prohibitive where the kind of the writing that "new yorker" does. >> there is also a technical, admiration for the technical experience. i remember i got a chinese writer friend of mine said you want to talk about the fact-checking process and i was a celebrity. i figured sure, i would get six colleagues, chinese counterparts in a room. i show up and it was standing-room only. kids standing in the aisles, young journalists. and i was again inly moved by their interest in factchecking. it is a belief that there are
facts and that you can ascertain them and should fight hard to document. and this idea was like for a lot of the reporters who were working in the chinese media, it was exotic, to the point that there was a chinese -- david: in a personal way. >> when he was called, he wrote a piece in a chinese paper that "new act-checked by the yorker." david: we have some questions from our brothers and sisters on the internet. new his is from jon thn in york. ow is it possible to be as good-looking as you are. >> that's my wife. david: is it necessary today for a good china correspondent to
have chinese ability and what will they miss if they don't. that is a pretty straightforward question that you can punt out of the stadium. orville: if you have chinese as a language, it is boundless. you still miss an enormous amount. there is classical, history. >> you should pretend that we're not here. is it really impossible for people to know who aren't native chinese speakers to get around as well as they think they are? jiayang: two points. i found having worked with both evan and pete, who are very fluent in chinese and not native speakers, i find that that to be an advantage because they are so
exceptional scrupulous when it comes to make sure they have everything right and sometimes they think, if they were a native chinese journalist, like -- you know, like, i know the terrain. i just sort of -- i don't -- i don't need to check, like that to the nth degree. and that's what i learned about a foreign correspondent because they both are so aware of a foreign presence in china. they go out of their way to make sure that every t is crossed and every i is dotted. when she was checking my
culture minister and when i look at the pages that she was working on, i saw a ield -- she had this massive line by line with red ink and chinese crensors -- [laughter] zha: also in red ink. david: she's brutal. zha: a very high profile writer was a little bit shocked of getting this problem all the way from new york just checking on whether he said this. and i think that's a message for a lot of chinese journalists that's new because when nonfiction started in china in
the 1980's, it wasn't cardinal fiction, this means -- [indiscernible] and the journalists sitting on top of the olympic mountains. so it is very subjective and with very little regard for the facts. so this was a totally different ra about nonfictional writing. "new yorker" is a leading magazine, showing example of how important fact checking is, though that is going to be very hard. david: david we have only a few minutes.
a young bride who was sold into prostitution. so in fiction form it was a great way of teaching you chinese history. zha: this is by a french historian diplomat. the title of the book is "immobile empire." it is a big fat book and really about this moment in the dynasty when the british send a ship and the ambassador, lord mccartney is sent to meet the emperor to present the latest -- and then the whole mission failed and one
of the sticking points is that the british point and lord mccartney refused to kneel down and the chinese had to explain it to them. and the british had a different knee. there was a phone problem. but full of colorful and revealing stories both about the lot of d they saw a life enroute because it was a slow travel from tore beijing. and it was a very revealing portrait in that critical point which it could have be read as a missed opportunity but it tells a lot about chinese history and it is called "the restless empire." >> there is a book tharm is
edited by ar scientist and dited a book by thes as by his chinese students who were amazing scholars. and it gets to what pete was mentioning before. they have this rigor in their work and come at it with chinese sensibility. and you get the extraordinary eas as. one of the pieces is how china went from a society which you bought and sold blood donations. and a society in which people choose to donate blood. minor things we wouldn't notice but are profound in their own way. "deep china" is the name of the book. orville: a writer that i loved recently passed away who was a diplomat and wrote wonderful,
inciteful and often dark accounts of china. and the person he loved most of all in chinese literature who wrote in the 1920 and died in the 1930's who is incomparable in the sense that he deeply loved china, but he was deeply dark, sadoic, wry and critical. but i think he had it right and understood the great state of contradiction and i think the continues to exist in the great state of contradiction. and now goes at it in a similar way. david: i thank the panelists. thank you very much. and thank you. [applause]
[captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org >> c-span's road to the white house continues tonight as hillary clinton meets with supporters going to visit a 9:ahead of l at iowa's caucus. both on c-span and c-span 2. and live precaucus coverage taking your phone calls, tweets and teches and 8:00 p.m. we will take you live here on c-span and the democratic caucus on c-span 2 next monday night. >> we have main engine starts, four, three, two, one.
>> there's one movie that resonated with more presidents than any other one. can you guess what that movie might be? go to crmp span.org >> china's vice president told the world that china's economy is on track and will remain an important driving force for global economic growth and talked about the priorities for g-20's summit. his comments are about 35 minutes. klaus: dear friends, it's migrate honor to introduce li yuanchao, the vice president of the peoples republic of china. ex legislationy.
it is a personal pressure to welcome you to dave oost. -- da vmpompsmp. i met you 20 years ago and since cultivated theve framework of our overall partnership with china, a special friendship. vice president li, your country is presently so much in the eyes of people assembled here in davos and some are particularly looking forward to hear from you . lated to the present and i'm sure particularly with the upcoming five-year plan that
your country will find the right policy mix as it has always done in the past. and i think over the last days, we heard some encouraging signs coming out from china. is complex and i know how complexity is for sustaining. first the global international cooperation as well as pursuing the coordinated, free, open and shared development. nd and impact. and this will provide a useful input into the chinese government inside input into the
chinese government. vice president li, you also will have a very special responsibility. not only to keep your economic track but to chair the g-20. people, are expecting a lot from the chinese chair manship of is0 group which after all is the foremost global economic cooperation unit. i would like to invite vice resident li to take the floor. and our traditional meeting of the new champions, will take of june in 26-28
year. again co-hosted with our chinese friends. and now, please welcome the vice president of the peoples epublic of china li yuanchao [applause] ladies and chwab, gentlemen, dear friends, i am delighted to attend the 2016 annual meeting of the world economic forum and i wish to thank professor schwab for the
kind invitation and the careful rangement for this special session. the theme of this year's annual forum marking the fourth industrial revolution is of great for the world economic growth. it is now at a crucial stage of and ft and the chinese pointing out that the chinese economy will grow more steadily and have more unified driving forces. chinese leader said it is for the chinese economy are not
based on blind optimism but on necessary basis, conditions and impet us. i would like to use today's platform to talk about the current state of the chinese economy and our policy direction or the next stage. first, the chinese economy achieves steady growth in 2015 and china remains an important driving force for global growth. to begin with, china's g.d.p. registered ar medium, high growth rate of 6.9% in 2015. despite the volatility in the world economy, china still achieved a g.d.p. increase of
over $500 billion which is estimated to be the largest in the world. such a growth has been achieved on a high basis of over $10 trillion to the economy and continues to be one of the fastest among the world's economy. secondly, china realized the continued improvement of the lives of its people, per capita, . sposal income grew by 7.4% 12 million new jobs were created . and unemployment rate in 31 major cities was 5.1%. and this one of the lowest since 2009.
certainly china's growth was consumption contributed to % to growth and an increase by 15.4 percentage points and 30.3 percentage points higher than investments. he share in g.d.p. rose by 2.4 percentage points reaching 50.5%. and the share is 7.4 percentage points than the industrial countries. the energy consumption which .6% informs of business. and drew more rapidly and it was than % year on year
traditional. online retail sales grew over 30%. the c.e.o. of china's second online business, he is making gr profits. the output of new energy costs increased 1.6-fold. d china's gross was open and produced mute tallly beneficial. totalledhina's imports 1.8 trillion dollars. the funds direct investments ached $126.7 billion up by 10%.
chinese residents made $120 million overseas visits up by % and spent more than $1 trillion r&d. the volume and global share of china's imports of major commodities from international markets continues to grow in 2015. the colvume of crude oil went up by 8.8 to a record high. and grew by 14.4%. such increase of china's joan development and contributed over one quarter to world economic growth. china remains a major driving force for global economic growth. this is my first point.
second, china has the confidence and facilities to maintain medium to high growth. as the world has yet to shut off the deep impact of the global financial crisis, its economy is till in a period of profound a adjustments. the chinese economy is closely connected with the world economy, shifting from fast positive expansion to a state of pursuing higher quality and efficiency. in this new normal, china has the confidence and exablet to promote economic restructuring and at the same time maintain medium to high growth. as the world economy faces gin sufficient --
[indiscernible] >> in the international market, the growth of china's economy which is bigger in size and environment constraint. his echoes the general development. this has been paid for many major economies in the world, yet the chinese economy has great potential, resilience for policy adjustment we have the confidence and capability to maintain a certain seed of growth to maintain our goals. this leads to our goals referred and ble the g.d.p. and
second, maintaining the goals. a prosperous and socialist country by the middle of this century when the peoples republic of china celebrates. ver 100 million chinese have received education and each year our universities turn out over 7 million graduates. they form the basis of our abandoned human resources for high quality development. as the chinese people have this evolved ion, 8% over the years.
and it has been saved. last year the increase of savings were in excess of $4 trillion. in the 2008, residential savings trillion.ased by 13.5 this troicear strong basis for boosting consumption and effective investment. in the past five years, china's g.d.p. grew from over $7 trillion to over $10 trillion forming a foundation for future development. the future development is expected to grow by more than 5%. nd by the end of 2015, china's foreign exchange reserves
surpassed $3 trillion u.s. dollars being the world's biggest dollars. china remains attractive to capital. bbc group -- the director -- said they still plan to increase that investment in china. nd in 2015, we received $426 billion of foreign direct investment, up by 5.6%. china's committed to reform and will further invigorate the market. 13, e now formulating this
five-year plan and we will pursue it when open and shared development brought to achieve sustainable growth of efficiency so the chinese economy will realize steadier and better development in the long run. this is my second point. third, commine will match the new driving forces to reform innovation. for the coming years, china's development priority is to maintain medium to high growth and medium to high of the industrial chain and provide new driving forces for the world economy. there is a lot we won't do and can do. and the time for me is not enough for me to expound on all these things, but i would like
to share with you three examples of china's exploration and practices of reform and innovation. the first example concerns a in china's unty province, with a population of 150,000. new county saw 1,100 enterprises last year alone. the increased margin was 20%. the local people were enthusiastic about having it, because the local government opened up a grand channel for them by adopting three measures. first, items that legally requires no approval and have review and approval. items that ell legally require
approval must be put on the list of approval of the government. and third, on the list of power, procedures can be completed conveniently at the government ervice center. this newly recommendation stirred market entity as we push forward with reform and approval. for every single day last year, for every single day last year, every 12,000 newly registered companies emerged across china. in the coming years, china will continue to go to the management system and tax regime and other areas. streamline the administration and delicate power and upgrade
service to further unleash the vitality of these entilts. the second is the high-speed rail of china, which represents the infrastructure investment markets and building itself into the most rail transport supplier of the world. . china's railway mileage has exceeded 12,000 kilometers. ranking second in the world. over i.m.b., 800 billion i.m.b. was invested that year. and the amountage of high speed rail due at 19,000 kilometers, ranking the first in the world. one important reason for the rapid development of china's high-speed railway is that building on technologies introduced from abroad, china has developed to innovation and
advanced high-speed railway technology system with independence, intellectual property rights. this once again proves that innovation is the primary driving force for development. in the future -- in the future, the chinese government will try to make the most of the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial revolution. in other words, the opportunities brought by the fourth industrial revolution, the theme of the forum. we will accelerate the implementation of made in china 2025 and internet plus, and develop emerging strategic industries, as well as modern surfaces at a faster pace. efforts will be made to improve traditional manufacturing and to promote green manufacturing and a smart upgrading, so as to facilitate the development of small cutting-edge technologies and clusters of emerging industries, and to enable change and the innovation in a way we produce and organize
businesses. the third example is the large number of new incubators for young people to start businesses. uch as innovation works, and makers cafe. that have spun up. by the end of 2015, china has had more than 2,300 maker space of different kinds and over 2,500 incubators and accelerators for various tech firms. ment in is still growing by over 20% -- the number is still growing by over 20% every year. going forward, we will further implement the innovation-driven development strategy, promote mass entrepreneurship and innovation, encourage and develop crowd innovation, crowd sourcing, crowd support and crowd funding, so that everyone
with the will to innovate in a start business can have the opportunity and the space to achieve success. all factors including labor, knowledge, technology, management and capital will be invigorated and the potential of the entire society will be unleashed. so that is the third point i'm trying to make. fourth, china will work with the rest of the world to meet challenges and realize corporation. over the past eight years, since the global financial crisis broke out, the world economic recovery has been low, with many emergencies and uncertainties. as the nation's chinese saying goes, those that stay vigilant against potential risk and danger will survive and thrive. facing a complex situation, it is important to stay clear-minded about dangers and a possible -- and possible
opportunities. with the world economy -- what the world economy needs today is greater openness, includiveness, incorps ration and winning results. in the next five years, china will commit itself to developing an open economy at a higher level, and seeking economic cooperation with other countries as partners. china will continue to advance the initiative of jointly building, that will share the benefits and a common development with countries along the routes. stressing international cooperation and industrial capacity and equipment manufacturing and help developing countries in current infrastructure development and to become more industrialized. we're willing to speed up negotiations on f.d.a. and investment agreements, tear down all kinds of trade barriers, continue to improve the environment for investers
in china and to participate actively in global economic governance. since the turn of the century, the contribution per person by more than $1.3 billion chinese people to world economic growth has always been above world average. to ensure sound development in china, it's in itself an important contribution to the development of man kind. china will, in the spirit of peace, development and cooperation, work with the rest of the world to tackle challenges, cooperate for results and bolster world economic recovery and development. from the fourth to fifth september this year, the 11th in a ummit will be held
province of china. as chinese president pointed out, the g-20 plays a significant role in leading and promoting international economic cooperation. and it should work vigorously for the goal of realizing strong, sustainable and balanced growth. the g-20 brings together major developed countries and emerging markets and developing countries. taken together, these countries account for 2/3 of the world's population, 85% of global g.d.p., and a nearly 80% of international trade. under the theme of towards an innovative, invigorated, interconnected and inclusive world economy, the summit will focus its discussions on
innovating growth models, improving global economic and financial governance, boosting international trade and investment, and promoting inclusive and interconnected development in an effort to provide new drivers for the development of the world economy. we believe the g-20 needs to work on the following four fronts. first, explore new forces for world economic development. the g-20 needs to shift its policies thinking for economic development towards greater emphasis on improving mid to long-term growth potential. identify priorities for structural reform, seize new opportunities brought by new factors, including scientific and technological innovation, new industrial revolution and digital economy, and realize a faster shift from old to new drivers of growth. second, promote reform and
global economic governance. the g-20 needs to remain committed to the reform and improvement of the international financial and monetary system, enhance the effectiveness of international financial institutions, and pay more attention to the legitimate aspirations of emerging countries. efforts should be made to implement the g-20 principles on energy collaboration and push forward cooperation in green finance and anti-corruption and taxation, as to provide institutional guarantee for the health and efficiency of the world economy. third, build an open world economic system. international trade grew slower than world economies for three consecutive years, from 2012 to 2014. global f.d.i. in 2014 dropped by 16%. in 2015, the growth rate of global trade in goods and surface -- services was down
over last year, lower than the world economic growth rate by .05%. this is quite worrying. the g-20 should play a bigger role in promoting global trade, continue to reject protectionism, strengthen the multilateral treaty regime, and deepen the development of the global value chain. investment, cooperation, around world, should also be strengthened to foster a fair and transparent policy environment for the operation and investment of businesses of all countries. fourth, share in the fruits of world economic development. in 2015 the international community reached consensus on the 2030 agenda for sustainable development in the paris agreement on climate change. the g-20 should lead by example and implement them fully. it also need toins crease investments in infrastructure and industrialization, accommodate the special needs of the audi seas and african
countries and help them in capacity for independent development, to usher in new prospects for developments. in preparation for the summit, china will in the spirit of openness and transparency and inclusiveness maintain close communication with all parties and heed the views and the suggestions of all partners. change is the role of nature, that guides four seasons. and also the law of economic development. although it is a world of ice and snow out there, in a few months' time, spring will come back to the mountains. so let uses join hands to provide new forces for the development of the world economy, together we'll bring about a new economic spring for our globe. thank you. [applause]
mr. schwab: mr. vice president, you provided us with figures and facts which make us optimistic about the chinese economy. particularly if you compare to the challenges we have in other countries. and we should remind ourselves, it's not just extrapolation of existing development patterns. at the same time your government is undertaking a deep-reaching reform. and also here we had very interesting and promising remarks. i personally, based on my own observation in china, what impresses me most is how much, and you gave some figures, how much china has become
entrepreneurial. in the last years. and if i look at all those young people full of innovative spirits, i see a completely different, normal, if i may say so, country which competes not nly based on its manufacturing but on its innovative and intellectual capabilities. we have not a lot of time. but i just would like to ask you one question. taking everything, what you said, on the economy and then policies, second on the g-20, in one d to tell us sentence what in your opinion is the most important reform of all the reforms, i know it's a
package, the package has to be harmonious, but what for you is the most important reform? and i may immediately add a second question. what is for you the possible most important outcome of the g-20 summit? mr. li: to maintain sustainable economics development under the new normal, we need to shift the growth model. first, we need to change our concept of development, namely we need to pursue innovative, coordinated green and shared development. n the other hand, we need to change the way we grow and shift our focus from speed to quality. and we also need to enhance the quality of our labor force and
enhance the education. the key to that is reform, as you have mentioned. we need to accelerate reform of the government functions, reform public services, and fiscal reform. as well as build a more open economy, this also includes reform of the enterprises and pricing reform. you mentioned mass innovation and entrepreneurship. that is also a result of reform. for example, we have contact forces for the small and microcompanies and we have established funds to guide entrepreneurship. but i believe what is most important is to invigorate two forces. first, is to invigorate the market, so that the market can unleash its maximum potential.
and second, we need to invigorate the creativity of the enterprises and the people. mr. schwab: what do you consider the most -- what would you wish to be the most important outcome of the g-20 summit? we cannot foresee. but what would be your wish? china has , indeed de the theme of the summit towards an innovative, invigorated, interconnected and inclusive economy. we have decided on this theme because we want to meet the following goals. first, to chart the course for world economic growth and international economic cooperation. and second, to innovate institutional building and,
third, to make goals. mr. schwab: thank you very much, vice president. thank you for joining us. and to have made the trip from beijing here. we will meet our chinese friends for the 26 and the 28 of june. we will pursue all those issues, as you know. i know a meeting of the new champions focuses particularly on innovation. of we also will try to be help for the preparatory work of the g-20 summit. thank you again for joining and we wish you, for all your reform processes, it's a systemic reform, it's not an individual reform. individual reforms, we wish you all the best. thank you. mr. vice president.
[applause] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] >> c-span's road to the white house coverage continues tonight from iowa as hillary clinton meets with supporters in marshalltown. she's going to visit a middle school there. our live coverage starts at 9:30 p.m. eastern. >> c-span's campaign 2016. is taking you on the road to the white house. for the iowa caucuses. monday, february 1, our live coverage begins at 7:00 p.m. eastern on both c-span and c-span2. we'll bring you live precaucus coverage, taking your phone calls, tweets and texts.
and then at 8:00 p.m. eastern, we'll take you to our republican caucus on c-span. and the democratic caucus on c-span2. see the event live in its entirety. be sure to stay with c-span and join in on the conversation. on c c c c c radio and at c-span.org. >> defense secretary ash carter joins nato secretary general and the president of afghanistan in a discussion on global security and hybrid warfare. it's part of the world economic forum in davos, switzerland. this is 40 minutes. >> ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the global security outlook. the outlook session, it's about thinking, where are we heading? what's happening, 2016, and beyond.
this panel is on global security. mr. eide: reflecting on a few years that we know are behind us, where we saw two trends developing quickly and dramatically. the first trend is the trend towards increased fragmentation. loss of trust, loss of social cohesion. many societies unable to deal with governance, with maintaining political order. which of course leads to a number of consequences, but in the more extreme version, the rise of vie -- violent extremism or the option for people with violent intent to capitalize on this fragility. the opposite trend which seems unrelated but is actually closely linked is we see between key powers on the
planet an increasing competition over influence. at times, that competition meets the areas of fragility in such a way that we see conflicts that are local, national, regional and global at the same time. connected between these two trends. we have a stellar panel with us. and i will introduce them as they gave their first intervention. would like to start with jens stoltenberg. former prime minister of norway has been here several times but it's the first time he's here as the secretary general of nato. happy to have you with us. and one thing that we discussed in previous sessions, which i think is very relevant for this one, is what we can call the blurring lines between war and peace. the complexity of actually understanding what is war and what is peace today. i know you've been thinking about that.
what is actually happening and what is this word, hybrid war, that we're seeing more and more on the agenda? mr. stoltenberg: i think what's actually happening is what you said. before we had some kind of idea that it was either peace or war. but now more and more countries are living in a state which is in some way in between. that is about this blurring line between war and peace. we see -- when we have frozen conflicts, many of the places in the world, we see it when we have hybrid warfare, as we have seen, for instance in ukraine. with a mixture of military and nonmilitary means of aggression. with overt and covert actions. and also terrorist attacks is also a part of a mixture of peace and war. and especially when it comes to hybrid warfare, it's impossible to wage war in a time of peace. and this is really creating
some new challenges for all of us, and especially for nato. because we have to be agile, we have to be prepared, we have to be ready. to be able to respond to much more complex and difficult security environment. what we see is, to the east of the alliance, we see a more assertive russia. actually, using hybrid warfare in ukraine. and to the south of the alliance, we see turmoil, terror, nonstate actors posting also a great threat to all allied nationses. and nato is responding. and it's also great to sit here together with secretary ash carter. because the u.s. is leading and it's great to have the secretary of defense, which is so focused on the transatlantic bond which nato represents. so, our challenge is to respond to a more fragile and more
dangerous security environment. mr. eide: the president of afghanistan, ashraf ghani. a person occupying probably one of the most complicated jobs in the world. eeping an optimistic approach. afghanistan unfortunately for the people of afghanistan has been there quite a while. in this intersection between fragility and competition. what you have learned, what are the things you will tell us about the security outlook from here and into the near future? mr. ghani: thank you. the first thing is, we need to understand that we're dealing with medium-term challenges, not short-term challenges. because if the challenge is not defined in the correct term, we cannot put together strategies for containment.
and for overcoming. econd, terrorism morally reprehensible has become a system. we need to understand it as an ecology where there's both competition and cooperation. third, it has something distinlt. it is directed toward -- the attack on paris, istanbul, the rest. whales the purpose? to prevent us -- what's the purpose? to prevent us from freedom of travel, to make us suspicious of our neighbors, to call into question the very bond between the state and the citizen, where the state protects the citizen. and lastly, it has a mythology. it changes very fast. it learns the techniques are transferable. and this environment, what is the other side of the ledger? the state system is weak. we're very privileged and i'd
like to thank both the secretary general and secretary carter. the international level of understanding is remarkable. let me pay tribute to all the men and women from 40 countries, but particularly from the united states, who paid the ultimate tribute. we honor them. but the regional dimension is missing in action. unless all the states in the region realize that this is a common threat and we need to get the rules and we need to cooperate with each other, we will be exacerbating. what cannot be permitted is for states to behave like nonstate actors or to sponsor malign nonstate actors. last point, we're a people of resilience. and we will overcome. afghanistan will be the bureauying ground of daiish -- burying ground of daiish and all the rest of them.
don't challenge us. we have a proverb. revenge is sweetest when it takes place 100 years. [laughter] mr. eide: thank you very much. before we go on, what do you see as the prospect for getting this regional alignment to deal with issues which are fundamentally transporter and can only be dealt with when countries cooperate? how are we doing? mr. ghani: the first issue is, at the global level the news is good. 40 countries under the very able leadership of the secretary general and secretary carter, have renewed their commitment in afghanistan. and certainty is answermy. last year, part of our problem was that we had uncertainty. we had -- once we extended the horizon and the staying power is determined, strategies can be focused. econd, there's the question of difference. we need to differentiate all of the elements, each of the drivers of insecurity, and be
able to deal with them. thirdly, it is absolutely necessary to focus on the people. we cannot have corruption, we cannot have mismanagement, we cannot neglect the poor and the excluded. anything that perpetuates misrule, bad governance, or exacerbates poverty, in here, markets are missing. the greatest missing element in the strategy of counterterrorism is the roam of the market. our greatest weakness is weak market institutions. and prosperity cannot be generated just from top-down. it needs to be done with functioning institutions. so the private sector, my message to the private sector is, you can be great partners in this effort to create stability, to create prosperity. mr. eide: thank you very much, mr. president. let's move -- let's stay in asia but move to the southeast
of east asia, to singapore. deputy minister, quite to the contrary to where afghanistan comes from, singapore is seen as one of the most stable countries in the region. but you are not immune to the challenges that you are seeing and we were just discussing, even in singapore. >> singapore is the most religiously diverse nation in the world. we have every major religion, the largest is only 1/3 of the population. us, hanmugaratnam: for multiculturalism, multi religious compact, has been part of our identity, and part f the rules of the game. -- but we are not immune.
we have to work harder than ever before, to reserve that contact, to keep spa spirit of peace and tolerance, and more than peace and tolerance, that spirit of respect. that wanting to engage with each other in day to day life. the problem will be with us for a long time to come. i think we can be wide-eyed about this. because even with the vast majority of muslims in our region, not just in singapore, but in our region, the vast majority finding terrorism abhorrent and wanting to live in a multicultural context. even with that being the case we will face terrorism and that hreat for a long time to come. because 0.01% of 230 million people in our region is 23,000
people. and we know what 23 people can do. south asia, 350 million, if you're just taking the muslims alone, and we're not counting the hindus, they're 35,000 people, so, the problem will be with us for a while. despite the fact that the vast majority find it abhorrent against their beliefs, in the way they want to live their lives. plus i think we have to accept the fact that many of those who have been converted to terrorist causes are now coming from the most advanced countries. from western liberal democracies. and we are living with a legacy of decades of segregation and a culture of exclusion. rules can be changed. but culture can't be changed quickly. this form will be with us for a while. and it means that we have to take this as a long game. build resilience, we need to strengthen our defenses, and that's not just talking about the military. that's talking about -- the state needs strong powers of
surveillance, it needs powers of preventive detention, and you need clear rules against hate speech. those are compromises to preserve the larger liberty of living in an open society. we need some compromises backed by judicial authority, of course, not state power, to preserve the larger liberty of living in a liberal society. open, liberal societies. but more than that, far more fundamental, you've got to find ways of integrating people, from the time they're kids to the time they are at the workplace, where they live, and everyone having that hope in the future. that's been central to our strategies and we're working even harder at it. mixed neighborhoods are critical. a workplace where you don't have an insider-outsider problem is critical. and most of our labor markets globally now still have an inside-outside problem. it's not, as the economists
would say, just about incumbent workers versus new workers. the outsiders are the young immigrants and women. and if you're young and an immigrant and a woman, you're completely out. so, the insider-outsider labor market is completely at contradiction with immigration and we have to resolve that problem. neighborhoods have to be mixed. markets have to be open. education has to be education for people, kids, in the same classroom together. mr. eide: thank you very much, deputy prime minister. secretary carter, can we come back to the phenomenon of hybrid war? how has wore changed? i think even over the very few last years, war appears as somewhat different than what we used to read about in the history books. mr. carter: yeah. first of all, i'm in agreement with everything my distinguished colleagues have said here. d in another era, in times past, you know, perhaps a u.s. secretary of defense or a security official, a secretary
general of nato, were worried about and committed to preventing and succeeding, if it came to that, state to state conflict. we still face that. and the threat of that in many places. the korean peninsula is one immediate example. but as has been said here, and i don't expect this day to end, as society grows more complex and interconnected and therefore essentially more vulnerable, and as destructive power falls into the hands of smaller and smaller groups of humanity, this problem of the few against the many as a security issue i expect to be with us for a long time. and so, as i think about the future of the u.s. department of defense, as i do all the time in addition to current operations, that's going to be a preoccupation of my
successors and our job is to deliver security to the people in the face of that fact. now, it kind of has two aspects to it, as has been said. one is terrorism, which is substate actors wielding that destructive power. unfortunately there are also states that use the same instruments and the same vubble vulnerabilities -- vulnerabilities for more traditional purposes and that's true, whether it's little green men in ukraine or, as to be blunt about it and something we've objected to, actors in china stealing intellectual property and not being apprehended and stopped from doing it. in china. to the iranian government aiding huthies or contributing to hezbollah. this kind of thing also, that's what hybrid warfare is. there's terrorism substate and hybrid warfare, both of these are part of the security
landscape. and we can't be vulnerable. to either of those. when it comes to state actors, one has some more traditional tools available. like our nato alliance, we have to do things differently. we have a new playbook for nato. it's not going to look like it did during the cold war days. but still has to stand strong for common defense. but i expect this to be part of our responsibilities for a long time. it is what we owe our people. that's why we're here. and we can do it but it's a very different kind of job from the way my predecessors way back needed to do my job and these gentlemen needed to do their jobs. mr. eide: thank you, mr. secretary. i think there's a common thread, actually, in much of what we just heard. which is about the destructive power of relatively few people. and i think in the last session
, in your conversation with the professor, we're touching on technology as the driver of that. i think we have seen in the book that he referred to, we have pointed out exactly this point. that technology makes it possible to inflict much more damage without having neither a big army nor a particularly sophisticated organization. and that means that, you know, once upon a time, if you had the biggest army, you were the strongest. so a large army would win over the weak army, as long as the other one was not particularly sophisticated in tactics. now this is changing. and that changes the authority of the state over other people. and i think that's a major development across the board. i think the other one is exactly this point that i think the president ghani said first, that states taking on elements of nonstate actor behavior, while at the same time we saw nonstate actors taking on certain behaviors like daiish,
and this of course creates a picture where looking into defense, just by defense means, is increasingly difficult. what does that mean for the alliance, for instance? what does it mean for alliance, that it's basically a military alliance with political matters? mr. ghani: it means we have to adapt. that's what we're doing and we've been doing that for some time now. mr. stoltenberg: for instance, we have to improve our intelligence, we have to improve our situational awareness. we have to improve our surveillance. to be able to define exactly when we are under attack. because under all understanding of an attack, it was obvious. it was around the idea of tanks rolling over from the soviet union, attacking west europe. there was no doubt at all. now, when we have cyberattacks and we have different kinds of hybrid warfare, little green men, then just define when are
we under attack? it acquire -- requires more intelligence, more situational awareness and we will have much less warning time. so one way of responding to this more blurred line between war and peace is increased readiness, special operation forces, and more intelligence. that's exactly what we are investing in. i'm not saying that that's the whole answer. but that's part of the answer. another part of the answer is to, of course, be willing and able to deploy large number of combat forces in big military operations. as we have done in afghanistan, in balkans and many other places in the world before. but in addition to being able to do that, also in the future, we are focusing more and more n how can we build local capacity? or how countries which are affected themselves to increase their ability to defend
themselves. that's exactly what we now are doing in afghanistan. nato has ended our combat mission. so we now have 12,000 troops in afghanistan who advise, train and assist the afghans. because in the long run, it's better than the afghans themselves -- it's better that the afghans themselves take care of their own security, we support them, but they are on the front line, and for over one year now the afghans have taken responsibility for their own security themselves. we will do the same as we will start to train iraqi soldiers. we give support to jordan, to tunishia, exactly based on the same idea. we should project stability. not always by deploying our own combat forces. but by training local forces, countries in the region, enable them to defend themselves. therefore it's very inspiring to see the leadership of president ghani and your
tireless effort to make afghanistan a better place and i'm impressed every time i listen to you. mr. eide: president ghani, the argument that the secretary was making is the argument for state capacity. i think that has been your key theme from long before you became president, also in your academic background. what could we be better at when it comes to building states that actually deliver not only security but also the social cohesion, that's the absence of which is the root cause of so many of these problems? i'm not thinking necessarily afghanistan, but as a global. mr. ghani: absolutely. the first thing is really to put the citizens front and center. what are their needs? -- her needs? i'm distributely picking my gender right. because as long as we have exclusion of women, we're not going to get stability.
it is imperative to understand that if we are going to have peace, and we must have peace, it cannot be at the exclusion of our women. second is to make the efficiency argument. singapore is a remarkable example of efficiency, but most state institutions are inefficient. and this is not acceptable. terrorist organizations or learning organizations -- are learning organizations. why are we failing to make state institutions into learning organizations? we are slow. we are brewer contractic in the wrong sense of the term -- bureaucratic in the wrong sense of the word. we are not responsive, we are not adapting quickly. so, first point, a lesson of honesty. we need to analyze our weaknesses vis-a-vis the enemy that we confront. and master the political will.
political will is not an be a strax. it's a con crease -- be a strax. it's a -- abstraction. it's a concrete choice of steps to make. it's not about -- strategy is not about rosy projections. it is about moving the process forward, generating momentum. the other part of this, regional cooperation is an absolute must economically. we're delighted, for instance, o have a neighbor who is wagering on our future. they're just putting billions of its own money to build a pipeline through afghanistan. that is the type of situation that makes an immense difference. and the other is to learn. both azerbaijan and another offer examples of how, from the depths of poverty that the soviet, the collapsing soviet
system left to them, they've gone forward on a path of stability. we need to appreciate and have the clarity of purpose to be able to learn from real key is to , again, engage the citizens in ancluesive dialogue. i've -- an inclusive dialogue. i'm engaging in town hall meetings around afghanistan. what i learn in a single town hall meeting in a province is more than hundreds of meetings in kabul. so government hases to be taken out to the public. we need to take risks. if we hide ourselves behind walls, people will say, what -- but they areway -- they are away from us. the same way that they cannot build fortresses around our country, the same way is to open the government. and i think in these regards, capacity can build. the other point -- one other
point. capacity is not an be a stracks. a lot of the -- abstraction. a lot of the prahms have been wrongheaded. because they focus not on what exists, they focus on an abstract analysis of what does not exist. if we mobilize, instead of coming with plans that are made for norway, we have to come with plans that are deliverable in afghanistan or kenya or somewhere else. then you can really build. and singapore, again, provides remarkable examples historically as to how they built a housing authority from scratch and kept building institution after institution to make this delivery point. mr. eide: thank you very much, mr. president. i would like to return to deputy prime minister. i'd also like us to move from this theme of fragility and state weakness to the opposite end of the scale. where you have strong states that compete and maybe compete
even more. some of that competition is happening in your neighborhood. not exactly in singapore. but in the southeast asian and east asian neighborhood. where we see a rising china and also other powers trying to balance the rise of china. and some people have argued that these are in principle ore dangerous developments, if they go wrong. so the point is, how do we keep them away from going wrong? i'll ask you and then secretary carter on that issue. mike shanahan well, it's -- just to follow on from -- mr. shanmugaratnam: well, just to follow on from your last point. it's a much lower probability event between different powers. much lower probability. but if it happens, it has major consequences. whereas the problem we were talking about earlier, of terrorism, is not a very low probability, it's a very distinct probability. and will also have major
consequence for social cohesion, for a long time to come, when it happens. asia is seeing a new balance of power. it's evolving year by year, decade by decade. and it's nesktable. -- inevitable. principally because the chinese economy is much larger. it's the dominant trading partner for virtually every east asian country it. used to be the united states. it is now china. this evolution in the balance of power, especially between ina and the united states, has so far been a peaceful rebalancing. it will be uncomfortable at times. and especially because we do not yet have trust between the united states and china. and that trust takes time to build. it takes time to build. it doesn't come because we sign agreements. it comes through interaction, by testing each other and
knowing how we each react. and over time knowing that both sides deeply believe in peaceful could he existence -- co-existence. there are, from time to time, and this may be nesktable, some unilateral -- inevitable, some unilateral assertions of power. without regard to international norms and rules. and every time that happens, we have to shine the light on it and we have to insist on these matters being taken to international courts for international arbitration. you're much smaller than the united states and china, but ur interests are very deeply for a peaceful balance, a continued presence of the united states, and a balance of power that preserves peace in the region. and our rule is not just to be neutral, but to be actively neutral. we're not passive. to be actively neutral. which means shining a light
whenever there is unilateral assertions that go against international norms or international law. and requiring that disputes be taken to the international courts. mr. eide: thank you. secretary carter, it's an old military concept, to establish facts on the ground. in east asia, now some actors have taken this to the next step which is to build the ground itself. like building on islands and so. balance of power or an upcoming confrontation? mr. carter: i just want to commend the two preceding speakers if i may. on the concept of helping others. that's critical. a critical tool that we have is hardening other states so that they can protect themselves. that in a sentence is what we've been working with the afghan security forces with.
and president ghani, for the idea of agility and efficiency and public, it's really critical. that's why -- one of the reasons i'm here. it's critical -- critical that we not only be effective but with be seen as being effective. to get to asia and the south china sea. everything that has been said is very true. there is -- china's rise is a major factor. it is a welcome factor to the united states in almost every way. and i'm not one of those people who believes that conflict between the united states and china is inevitable. it's certainly not desirable. i don't think it's likely. but these things are not automatic. you have to work for them. china's rise is, by the way, not the only rise going on in asia. india's a rising military power. japan, if you haven't noticed, is a rising military power.
and there are others who are doing things. vietnam, phil peens, -- philippines and so forth. now, our point of view on that, the u.s. point of view, is the same one we've had long standing, which is we welcome that. we've tried to create an environment there, and as i said earlier, i think we were the pivotal factor in making this so, in which over seven decades essentially everybody could follow their own destiny towards prosperity. and that includes china. and we've never tried to obstruct china's economic rise in the lifting of hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. we've welcomed that. nor any of these other states we've talked about. -- he same time, one has to we don't want to ruin a good thing. which is a system of peace and stability there. so we intend to stick up for that. we're not separate, we're not dividing the region. we don't seek to ask people to take sides.
we do know that people are coming to us increasingly. why is that? it's because china is taking some steps that i think are self-isolating. that are driving people towards a result that none of us want. which is people coming to us and then feeling and being excluded. one of those is the one you say. i should -- just to be clear -- china's not the only one that's making claims that we do not agree with. and they're not the only ones that are military outposts. we oppose all of that. for our part, we have said everybody, not just china, but everybody who's doing that should stop and not militarize. second, for our part, we're going to keep doing what we've always done. we will fly, we will sail, we will operate everywhere international law permits in the south china sea. i don't care what anybody else is doing. the united states navy is going to do what it's done. the united states air force is going to do what it's done. we will react and we are
reacting. we will make investments that are intended to sustain our military position, despite these developments. and we're helping other countries, they're all coming to us from assistance in maritime security. our alliances are strengthening with japan, with south korea, with the philippines, with other -- and we're building new relationships. i've been to india, vietnam, recently. we want to have good relations with them. we're not asking people to take sides and i respect the position of strong and principled neutrality. but little singapore, which punches way above its weight morally, in terms of influence in that region, occupies -- i think their position is basically right. which is, we want everybody to keep being able to do what they're doing. we don't want to have to pick sides. america doesn't want to have sides either. at the same time i think you have to recognize self-isolating behavior.
and when china engages in self-isolating behavior, that occur. is going to but for our part, and you will see this reflected in the investments, the largest enterprise in the world, namely makes in coming years, in its budget, i'm preparing those budgets now, are specifically intended to deal with these challenges. so we will react. but it's not our preferred course to see self-ite isolating behavior by china -- self-isolating behavior by china. and, yes, dialogue is the way to do this. and we hope for a better result. i actually, as i said, i'm not somebody who is fatalistic about things. at the same time, we have to work for good results. i look forward to working with all of my colleagues in the region, including the chinese, to get an outcome that's a win-win-win-win for everybody. that's what we've always stood for. everybody rises.
that's our philosophy. mr. eide: that was good. secretary general, when you either, as secretary general of nato, or your colleagues who are prime minister, defense minister, foreign minister heir -- minister, are discussing where to go, how do you properly judge between the issues, i'm referring here to deputy prime minister's point, there are certain challenges which are there every day, terrorism reminds us of its existence on a weekly basis. then there are these potential threats which are normally not occurring, which one may end up forgetting because they're not happening and only when they happen you deeply regret you didn't think about them. how can a political alliance in the proper way think the unthinkable while also managing the ongoing crisiss? mr. stoltenberg: i think nato has been quite successful in doing exactly that for more than six deppingds. because we have bold focus on managing crises. and we are being, you know, in
many places managing immediate crises here and now. at the same time we have always had the long-term perspective of both being able to adapt as the security alignment changes, but also in a way address the unthinkable, like, for instance, nuclear war. the presence to be strong is part of what nato is doing. because we believe that if we stay strong, then we are able to deter and actually prevent war. the reason why we want to be strong is not to -- because we want to fight the war. it's because we want to prevent wars by being so strong that any adversary would understand that any attack on any nato ally is doomed to fail. so that's the reason why we are adapting. and i mentioned some of that adaptation already. let me also remind you of the following facts. we have tripled the size of the nato response force. we have established a new
spearhead task force which is able to move a very -- on very short notice. we have increased our military presence in the eastern part of the alliance as it responds to a more assertive russia. and we are really focusing now on the new threats in cyber and other kinds of hybrid threats. so, actually, i've been the secretary general for a bit more than a year and i'm impressed by the alliance. its ability to adapt. its ability to respond to changing security environment. and that's also the reason why this is a very successful alliance. at the core of that alliance is the unity. 28 democratic nations. we have different views. we have many discussions. but we are able to then, by consensus, reach agreement and there are very strong conclusions when we reach them in the united way.
mr. carter: ask i say something that he can't say but needs to be said? it also takes a very good secretary general. he is fantastic and we all love following his leadership. [applause] mr. eide: thank you very much. unfortunately i think our time is up. if one of you has one final point that you were burning to make, i'll give you one last chance. it doesn't sound like that. i think that's the leading question. i just want to say, you will see in the program of the world economic forum and you're meetings and all other activities that is we place this issue much higher on the agenda than we used to do some years ago. the reason behind that is not simply that we find it interesting. but we do feel that all these issues that we just discussed are so heavily interlinked with societal development, with economic development, that you cannot really say anything meaningful about where the world is heading without also understanding the major security trends. thanks to the four of you for helping us to see that a little bit clearer.
and that should conclude this session. mr. president ghani, remembered said. mr. ghani: let me just pay compliment. partnerships are based on capacity for listening. here i've had two fantastic partners who have had enormously protective dialogue, where we focus on -- effective dialogue, where we focus both on the definition of the problem and their solution. indeed, under their leadership, we've been able to forge a way forward, to see that we are not stacking the -- stuck in the past, but that we really have a pathway to the future. so, again, compliment them. et's give them a big hand. [applause] mr. eide: session closed. [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016]
>> c-span's road to the white house coverage continuings tonight as hillary clinton is in marshalltown, iowa. all of this ahead of next monday's iowa caucuses. campaign 2016, live, monday february 1, beginning at 7:00 p.m. eastern both on c-span and c-span2. we'll bring you live precaucus coverage, taking your phone call, tweets, and texts. at 8:00 p.m. eastern we'll take you live to a republican caucus