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tv   Secretary of State Participates in Munich Security Conference  CSPAN  February 18, 2022 5:05pm-6:07pm EST

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>> he and james buchanan are running neck and neck. harding as come up a few notches but what has been said about him is in the realm of myth, a lot of myth about harding and outlet rise. when you look at his record is quite impressive. announcer: historian walters on q & a. you can listen to q & a and all of our podcasts on our new c-span now cap -- app. announcer: c-span is your unfiltered view of government. we are funded by these television companies and more including comcast. >> you think this is just a community center? it is more than that. >> comcast is partnering with 1000 community centers to create
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wi-fi enabled list of students from low-income families can get the tools they need to be ready for everything. announcer: comcast support c-span as a public service along with these other television providers giving you a front row seat to democracy. announcer: remarks no by secretary of state antony blinken. during the session secretary blinken and the german foreign minister reinforce their equipment -- commitment to ukraine's peace and security. other topics included u.s.-germany relations and climate change. vice president kamala harris and others are in germany for the conference. this is about one hour. i moderate, and it is symbolic to have a panel with the foreign ministers of germany and the secretary of state of
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the united states. when we go back to the foundation of the munich security conference, when we go back to the first chairman of the conference, he created this come and the first years were exclusively german-american transatlantic meetings. for me it is symbolic to go back to the roots and welcome today on the stage the foreign minister of germany and the secretary of state of the united states. please extend a warm welcome to the two personalities. [applause] we will proceed the following way. first the german foreign minister will give her speech. she will give her speech in german. please get ready to take your headphones. and then afterwards we will have
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a panel debate in english on the stage. while you are getting your headphones ready, it is my pleasure to introduce foreign minister -- the foreign minister . after we had in germany the first female chancellor, it is special and i'm happy to introduce to you the first german female foreign minister. you have the floor. thank you for being with us gay [applause] -- us. [applause]
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>> [speaking german] >> ambassador, mr. commissioner, secretary-general, tony blinken, ladies and gentlemen, i'm very happy to be able to talk to you to kick off the panel on meeting challenges. a few days ago i was right there at the line of contact in the eastern part of ukraine. i was standing there right next to me there was a schoolyard and every single moment i was thinking about my children, who go to school right now. in the morning, very hectic lee. i was watching the children, who were not able to go to their school. just like that.
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in a country they had to face a huge concern because violence is ever present their, and how real the concern is when we hear that yesterday of the cease-fire. in such a situation, such a place, you wouldn't even think of a peaceful everyday life for children. it is not only a negotiation. minsk is not a technical notion either. we are talking about human security. we are talking about safety, about whether or not people, families, children can live their lives safely and grew up safely in the middle of europe. today, let me be very clear right that can there is a new war pending right in the middle of europe. russia issues an absolutely
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unacceptable threat with the troop buildup, vis-a-vis ukraine, but also vis-a-vis all of us and our peace architecture in europe. therefore this crisis is no ukraine crisis. we have to be careful about our framing. it is a western crisis. we therefore urgently urged russia to draw down their troops immediately. we have seen the first signals time and again and we have seen this happening in the past few weeks. the first signals there were a glimmer of hope, but now we need to see action. the russian threat continues to be a real one. but our joint response is just as real. if there were a russian attack on ukraine, this would have massive consequences for russia, financially,, politically, and economically. and we have yet another message
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to moscow. we do not want to put our joint response -- if there were a russian attack on ukraine, then this would have massive consequences for russia, financially, politically, and economically. and we have yet another message to moscow that is just as clear. we don't want to have that. we don't want to have consequences. we want to have a serious dialogue on security and peace together in europe. that is the interest of all of us. and yes, we also want to minimize the risk of escalation in europe. i mean, what else would we want? we also want to create reliability. that is why exactly we have worked out proposals the last two weeks as nato states.
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they are on the table at moscow, and every single time, every single minute, we want to talk about these. now, what we do not want to see and what we cannot do is to challenge our architecture security that we have built up together. yesterday's response letter from the russian side, unfortunately, very much sounds like that. president putin, sergei lavrov, in your response letter, you underlined that nonalignment also includes the principal at the expense of others. yes, that is what we have agreed to together. we together have agreed to this being a joint security, not at the expense of others. in this is what we expressly are committed to. but that is the very reason why
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we have to talk about the troop buildup at the border in the eastern part of ukraine, which of course is at the expense of security in ukraine. 30,000 troops at the border. what else could this be if not a threat? those who want to live in security and safety together do not threat each other. if you want to live in security and safety, then you go to the negotiation table and talk to each other. and you have to be very honest here. tony blinken and i and many other foreign ministers, ministers of defense, here in this room, we are time and again -- it has been going on for like one week. how long is it going to take? it might be taking weeks, months. negotiations usually are a marathon. there are setbacks, misunderstandings, even some foul play. but if you are afraid of
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starting this race, then you don't start working. this is how -- it is our choice, the choice we europeans are faced with, the choice between a system of joint responsibility for security and peace based on the helsinki founding and the charter that we all have signed, or a system of power rivalries and spheres of influence, for which the yalta conference of 1945 was standing. this is the key question. what is at issue for us europeans and the international community, it is not just a question of how we are going to resolve the current crisis, it is a question of how we are going to stand up for our rules-based order in the future.
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an order that is based on the charter of the united nations, on the principles of self-determination, the respect for freedom and human rights, and the principle of international cooperation. that was especially described by the u.n. secretary general so vividly. does this principle still working? this is the question that will be dealt with in this conference. or are we living in an age of collective helplessness, resignation. helplessness is the motto of this panel. tony blinken, the two of us are having numerous talks these days. what makes me optimistic in these difficult times is the knowledge of the strength of our transatlantic union and the solidity of our alliance and the strength of our liberal democracies. that is why my answer, my
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response is very clear, when i am being asked where we are right now, whether we are helpless or not. we are not helpless collectively. quite on the contrary, we draw our strength from our actions, from our acting together. we are the ones who decide whether or not we are helpless. as far as i'm concerned, three elements are key -- determination, solidarity, and reliability. this applies to the russia crisis, but also beyond. we are determined with a view to the actions and measures that we are preparing in the event of russia acting against the ukraine, these sanctions are -- would be unprecedented, and that is coordinated with all their partners and prepared with them. we in germany are ready to pay a high price for that in economic
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terms. that is why all options are on the table. nord stream 2. we showed solidarity because we support and are committed to the territorial integrity of ukraine. i'm being very clear here. especially in situations of pressure like these, solidarity means to send a clear message, because the rules the country would like to embark on can be determined by the country itself and the people living there. we are not going to negotiate over the head of ukraine. solidarity means we take a concerns of our neighbors in central and eastern europe seriously. that is why we are strengthening our navy commitment together. solidarity means -- very important to me, because foreign policy is not just some kind of policy between politicians, not
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just traveling for them backwards between the capitals of countries. foreign policy is about the people, our people. that is why solidarity means in the current situation, not just showing solidarity with kiev, but also with the people in ukraine and especially with people that live close to the line of contact. and here, their observers are our eyes and ears there. we have to ensure that they can effectively do their job, especially now when violence over the line of contact has dramatically increased the past 48 hours. this is one of the most dangerous moments, where provocation, disinformation might turn into escalation. i'm being very clear here, this is the game we are not going to play. quite on the contrary. in all of our efforts, we work on finding constructive solutions of the crisis.
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in the eu pena nieto, every step in the-- eu and nato, every step, we are fighting for every single millimeter, every millimeter is better than no movement at all. this brings me to my third point. reliability and foreign policy that is based on clear values. what is at stake for the people in ukraine is their right of freedom, their right to determine their own future. and for all of us, what is at stake is nothing less than peace in europe and the question of whether or not we are going to defend our rules-based order even if it comes to the crunch. we live in a world in which this rules-based order is not just coming under pressure in eastern europe. we are faced with growing political tensions with the competition between authoritarian forces and liberal democracies. we see and realize that if we
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withdraw from this competition as liberal democracies, others are going to fill these gaps. we can see that with mercenaries or with the view of the large infrastructure projects in africa, but we have also been seeing that in europe, in the eu, when we left a gap in terms of solidarity, whether it was investing in power grids, motorways, digital infrastructure, and we even saw that even more strongly at the beginning of the pandemic when it was about the distribution of vaccine. if others interfere, this will not happen for altruistic motives, but it will be based on true geostrategic calculations. that is why as far as i am concerned, we as liberal democracies have to be a part of this competition between the liberal policies and authoritarian forces.
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we have to clearly walk the talk and show what we stand for. the joint recovery after the pandemic, what has been summarized by the u.s. president biden and also the united nations, its label of build back better -- what has been defined there spells out a huge opportunity for all of us for international cooperation to really do it right when exiting from this crisis. to invest in a solution for the ukraine crisis, to invest together in infrastructure, but also to invest together in finding a way out of this pandemic. that is why the german g-7 presidency we are holding this year also will focus on this motto. we are going to show what our values are. we show that international cooperation is stronger than national solo efforts. and we show that in order on the
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basis of international law, of a fair coexistence and togetherness of democracy and human rights will bring more than shutting borders down and bringing in the borders internationally. and this also includes women's rights and may bring the first female foreign minister in 50 years, this also means that women's rights have to be brought in because women's rights are the yardstick for the condition of all democracies. we are seeing that worldwide. i am saying that as a german, european woman. we are also seeing that in other countries. we have also seen that in our country during the pandemic. conjuring up the image of the strongman very often is not the most successful route. we are seeing worldwide that conjuring up the strongman actually goes hand-in-hand with
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the increase of authoritarian forces and a reduction of democratic rights. this is something -- one insight i brought back home when i was at the line of contact, because if women are safe, everyone will be safe. and that is our task. that is why i am convinced that our global challenges like the climate crisis, fighting the pandemic, will not be manageable for single country alone. we can only resolve this crisis together with clear values. we have to be aware of that. we are right in the middle of a difficult crisis especially in europe. after this crisis, the world will be a different one, and it is now up to us. it is in our hands. this is the hour to stand up for peace and rights in europe.
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thank you very much. [applause] >> thank you very much, minister, for this very impressive speech. let me start where you finished. you talked about the role of women. there have been a number of women on our panel, 45% and i pledge that next year we will arrive at 50%. [applause]
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secretary, thank you so much for being here. i know you are extremely busy. allow me to start with a compliment. i have been following u.s. administrations for many years. i have not seen an example like this one where the u.s. administration has reached out, has reached out and coordinating the position with its european allies in de you, nato, allies beyond this. i found this very impressive. in talking about ukraine, i was the day before yesterday in a conference with the former prime minister of ukraine, who said what we are witnessing is the best, the most successful bees keeping operation, and that is to be together. my question to you is, first, do you think the minister talked about all of the global challenges that we have that
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this scheme can which is a lot of work, the defense ministers coordinating, is that an example for the future to cope with the challenges that the minister mentioned in the same way, in the same way that president bush, jr., said in partnership and leadership, number one? and number two, where do you think we stand with ukraine? i think this is what everybody wants to know. minister talked about what we hear of a contact line. there were days when there was no incident in all and all of a sudden we see this increase. what do you see? i recall in 2014, the end of the olympics, and a few days or weeks later we saw these little green men entering into invading ukraine. where, secretary, do think we stand right now? sec. blinken: first let me just start by saying what an absolute
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pleasure it is to be here, to be with all of you, especially to be with my friend and colleague annalena, and also christoph, wolfgang. this is the equivalent of an olympic relay to go from wolfgang to christoph. doesn't get better than that. wonderful to be with you. to start with this point, i really start where annalena left off, because we have exactly the same perspective, the perspective that president biden brings to everything we are doing and what we have tried to do in our first year. it is a simple conviction. it's a conviction that there is not a single challenge of consequence actually affecting the lives of our people that we can effectively deal with a lot. even for the united states, with the power that we have, the resources we have come we have to be doing in partnership.
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it is an obvious proposition to many, but it is no less important for being obvious. when it comes to climate, even if we did everything right the united states, we are 15% of global missions, so by definition we have to deal with the other 85%. that requires collaboration and working with others and playing our part. on covid, we know the truism that no one is safe until everyone is safe. omicron has reminded us of that if we needed reminding. we were a few days ago together on a videoconference with some of our colleagues because we both feel at this point that we have to do more to mobilize, coordinate collective action, to really finally get ahead of covid and get where we need to be, 70% of the world vaccinated. on emerging technologies that are shaping everyone's life, even if we did everything just right in the united states by definition these technologies
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surpass and we have to find ways to set rules and norms and standards together. that is the fundamental proposition, and exactly why we have invested so much of our own effort the first year in office in reinvigorating, revitalizing our alliances, partnerships, investing the time, the effort. without that, we won't succeed. i have been so grateful. when it comes to the partnership here, germany is the partner of first resort. there is not an issue where we have not been working closely together. and it is beyond work that is truly invaluable. on ukraine, i had a chance to speak to this little bit yesterday at the united nations security council before coming here.
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and even as we are doing everything we possibly can to make clear there is a diplomatic path, that this has to be resolved differences have to be resolved through dialogue, through diplomacy, we are deeply concerned that that is not the path that russia has embarked on, that everything we are seeing, including what you described in the last 24, 48 hours, is part of a scenario that is already in play, creating false provocations, having to respond to those publications, and then ultimately committing new aggression against ukraine. i think it is important for us to shine a light on what we see. perhaps that will move russia to a different path. we remain fully prepared, both of us with our colleagues, to engage on the diplomacy. but we have to be informed by
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history. you referenced 2014. one could reference 2008 and georgia. and we have to be informed by the facts. despite what russia has said in recent days for pulling back forces from the border, that has not happened. on the contrary we see additional forces going to the board including leading edge forces that would be part of any aggression. we have to be informed by that. we have to be extremely vigilant. i will finish with this -- the single greatest sort of strength we have in this issue dealing with this junction is the solidarity annalena talked about. i think president putin has been a little surprised at that solidarity, as a way that nato has come together, the european union has come together. we have come together individually as partners, we come together institutionally. we will either wait whichever path president putin chooses, we
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will be ready to respond. christoph: thank you very much. we have so many people around here who want to contribute and ask questions. i advise you to do that. you can either raise your hand, and also by digital notice. before i go to -- see a question there -- can i ask minister -- can i ask you a question, which is of a difficult one, but it is one which we have been debating a bit in the public these last weeks and days, and this is the question of delivery of weapons to ukraine. you mentioned the huge damage
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from the president months ago went to kiev, where in the name of germany eight years ago, within two days, 33,000 jewish ukrainians were massacred by germany. of course we say we never want to put arms against russia because of our history, etc., but when you see that russia is attacking ukraine, a country that has been severely hit over history, fighting for its existence, we sent milan missiles to the kurds. why can't we also send defensive weapons to ukraine? foreign min. baerbock: because i
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think you always have to have in mind when you take a decision that either way, yes or no, it has consequences. and if you balance the consequences, we believe that at this moment it is not the moment to change our course by 180% degrees. because we are not all the same even though we are standing side-by-side. we have different roles and different histories. when i was in ukraine, i said we have an historic responsibility, which i did not mean only with russia. because of our history we have a different responsibility for securing international peace than others. if we are looking at poland, if we are looking at france, they have been attacked by us like the soviet union countries. and therefore our responsibility
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after the second world war was that never again from germany there will be war, and never again there will be genocide. you know one of my former colleagues, the foreign minister. that is what i am making this, to show that we are thinking a lot about this. we have a specific arms control legislation, because of our history. we have this legislation that we are sitting we are not selling weapons to everybody in the world, but only to our partners, nato partners and european union partners, and that we know where their weapons go afterwards. if we change this now -- we are talking about -- i had to learn what that that people can do and not do anymore, but if it changes course, we have to argue it.
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i think that's moment, --i think that's moment, we are doing everything for dialogue. i as the german foreign minister with the chancellor are doing everything. it is france committed germany, ukraine, and it's russia. --it is france, it is germany, it's ukraine, and it is russia. this is the moment when we do every thing with dialogue. and this is our strength, we are standing altogether but using a different roles of support with regard to our different histories. the u.s. is having a different lesson with regard to arms export. but i am, for example, giving most financial aid -- we have the biggest owner in ukraine to stabilize the economy. if we are putting all of this together, this is our strength at the moment, and that is why i truly believe this course is right, united diversity, the great motto of the european union, and that is what we are showing at the moment, also in
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solidarity with ukraine. [applause] sec. blinken: can i just add one thing? annalenna is exactly right from we are not just acting in accord and aided wacom we are acting in a company in every way -- not just acting in a coordinated way, we are acting in a complementary way. germany, annalena have been speaking with tremendous moral clarity when it comes to ukraine. that is vitally important. you cannot really place a value on that. it is essential to what we are doing. [applause] christoph: thank you. thank you very much wonderful to see the transatlantic unity. it is what we need at this stage. if you would be so kind to introduce yourself, and then we go -- >> ok, thank you. member of parliament from the
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united kingdom and share of the defense community. i just returned from ukraine, and there is certainly a concern about the immediate threat. can i ask if we are hiding behind this rule that simile because a member -- ukraine is not a member of nato, but there is a limit as to what we should do in ukraine? the ukraine--they see ukrainian security as european security, and i agree with that. can i mentioned the bigger picture we need to wake up to -- the reason we are seeing russia's adventurism is a dangerous alliance is forming between russia and china, and that is leading to russia's increasing adventurism boldness can even welcoming sanctions knowing that putin can persuade his own people, maybe the future of russia, is not pointing to the west, but with china come which would be a turning point geopolitically of a very
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dangerous era? thank you. foreign min. baerbock: well, i totally agree with what you have been saying, sir. it is dangerous, we can see the alliance between those two countries. but what tony was saying beforehand, there is also not only an alliance, but there is strength between eu members and, as you know from the past, it is not always easy in the european union to agree on different topics altogether. but at this moment we are doing this by 27 states. and this is the difference to 2014. if we remember 2014, when crimea was invaded, when the separatists took over in eastern ukraine, there was not this solidarity. and this is new at the moment. we should not always look that others are bonding, but also how big our strength is that we are
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bonding. also with regard to nato, we are on the same page. we have written the same letter altogether. this is also why we want individual letters to know that this is our common transatlantic effort. with regards to the economic sanctions, yes, we all know the figures, we also with regards to financial flows. however, if you have the scenario, being totally cut off by economic exchange between russia and germany and russia and eu, this is not nothing. i would also underline that because we are talking about russia, the russian government, 70% of the russian people, and this is different than in 2014, their biggest fear is war, war with ukraine. and this is also why we are saying here is our
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hand to all the citizens of russia, here is our hand to all the political prisoners in russia, here is our hand to all the others in russia because we want to live together in peace, and this is what we have to underline with a clear message on sanctions but also a clear message on dialogue. [applause] sec. blinken: i can only add that i am in violent agreement with my friend and colleague. look, russia and china together are right now less than 20% of world gdp. the united states, europe together, 45% of gdp. when we bring in our democratic partners from asia, japan, korea, australia, others, well over 50% of gdp. that is powerful weight when it is acting in recent, and increasingly we the convergence around a determination00 and increasingly---and increasingly we are. the convergence around a
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determination, not to hold it back, but to uphold something that brings it all together, that increasingly is bringing us together. when we are acting in unison, i'll take our site any time. -- our side anytime. christoph: please, go ahead. >> [indiscernible] to foreign minister baerbock, precisely if you want consistently to pursue helsinki against yalta, in changed circumstances, do we need a new jerky and -- german and european
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-- what with the two or three key features be? to secretary blinken, how do we preserve that question unity and solidarity if putin doesn't do the invasion, doesn't do, to coin a phrase, a small incursion, not a single russian soldier crosses the frontiers, but massive hybrid military-technical means are applied, cyber attacks, recognition of donetsk status, how do we preserve western unity in that event? sec. blinken: i think that what we have done over the last year is build a very solid foundation, strong foundation when it comes to western unity across a whole range of challenges that we are facing. we discovered habits of
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cooperation, coordination, and as i am seeing it, at least, there is increasing convergence on most of the central issues of our time. i am convinced that irrespective of what russia does with regard to ukraine in the weeks ahead, whether it is a full-on invasion or something short of that, we will retain that solidarity. but it doesn't happen by itself. it is the product of constant day-in, day-out, roll up your sleeves engagement that we have been engaged in and that will continue irrespective of what happens over the next week. it takes work, it takes effort. but i think the last month in particular have concentrated minds in a way they have not been concentrated in recent years. i don't think we are going to lose that concentration in the weeks and months ahead.
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foreign min. baerbock: thank you for the quote. yes and no, not because it is a politicking answer, but because it has two parts depending on what you are looking at. i would say no with regard to the treaties, because we have the treaties together in peace and security in europe, and everybody has assigned it. but i say yes with regard to if you are referring that we just take the answers from 1970 and putting them in the year 2022, because in all of these years, things have changed, and the world has changed. when we talk about politik, also poland, romania, all of the other eastern countries which are now joined in the european union. that is why our answer from 1970
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cannot be the same answer in 2022. and this is why we have also made clear -- i think this is also important for foreign policy, reflecting what you are doing. i think this is part of the strength of the answers from nato and also from us as europeans that we are also reflecting what have we done in the past, what is something where we should be critical choir self, saint did we do enough on transparency, did we do enough on arms control, did we do enough when we were talking about placing missiles in the region. in reflecting those things, i think it is actually what we should do when we are talking together in the nato russian council, and this is our invitation to russia on the treaties, and there is no change from the past decades on the treaties of security in europe, speaking of how we can ensure a peaceful world in the
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year 2022 for all our citizens. christoph: thank you very much. before i get the names wrong again, can you introduce yourself please? >> foreign minister of bangladesh. we are so pleased when the biden administration joined the climate pact, and we are thankful to secretary blinken and special envoy john kerry for making it possible for the biden administration to join the climate discourse. we are very pleased because we were hoping that we can save this planet. and with you on our side, we are really delighted. i fear that with this current ukraine problem, will it take
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away, with a the process of climate change--will it delay the process of climate change? with a delaythe funding--will it--delay the funding we are expecting? will violence and war start a new wave of different expenditures which will take away money from the climate issue, take security away from the community? what is your take on it? thank you. sec. blinken: we see the challenge of climate change as the existential challenge of our time. and if you see it that way, you are going to make sure that you are doing your part and doing everything necessary to meet the challenge, irrespective of what is going on and what your other commitments are. beyond rejoining paris with the
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leadership of john kerry and president biden, we have made this an ongoing commitment in multiple ways. of course, cop 26 was an important moment, but we see that as a launching pad, not a finishing point. the bottom-line reality is this -- if we are going to make good on the needs to keep warming to 1.5 degrees celsius, whatever targets we set for 2045, 2050, 2055, won't matter unless we act now and especially over the next decade. and that requires a number of things. it requires countries to actually continue to raise their own ambitions. it requires making good on implement and policies necessary to meet those ambitions. and for those of us in the long-developed world, it
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requires making good on our commitments to help finance adaptation and resilience in countries that need assistance in doing that. the united states has a special operation in that regard. historically we are the largest emitter. right now we represent 15% of global omissions. we are committed to doing our part. you don't have to take our word for it. it is reflected in the budget we have submitted to congress. i was just last week with the pacific island nations, who are literally on the front lines of climate change right now. this is very literally existential for them. it was a way of making clear our ongoing commitment to making sure the resources are there for resilience. we are committed to it. it will be reflected in the budgets we continue to report. parenthetically we have a
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remarkable bipartisan delegation from our congress here in munich this weekend, house, senate, republican, democrat. and i think whatever policy differences there may be on some of these issues, there is a foundational agreement that we need to address this problem and we are committed to doing it together. foreign min. baerbock: i would say thank you for your question, because this is also my biggest fear with regard to climate change but also with regard to other crises, because this is one part of the strategy in my point of view from the russian government, absorbing so much attention, time, from all of us, from the european union, that we do not have time for other crises. we did not speak about the middle east. i think this is also important that we give every minute, what i was saying before, to solve
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this crisis now with regard to the safety of ukraine, but on the other hand do not forget about the rest of the world. and the biggest fear for humankind is the climate crisis. that is why also when i started as german foreign minister, i always talked about climate issues and hydrogen. some asked why are you dealing with climate if you have to solve a crisis? i truly believe this is one of the answers to the crisis. why is it so difficult for us to formulate strong sanctions? we are highly dependent, especially my country, on fossil imports from russia. after 2014, we all said to ourselves in europe, we have to diversify. we had this chance 8 years ago to combine climate issues and security issues if we were to have invested more in green energy. now we can do it.
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we can go now to renewable energy with all of the efforts we are having, making this world a bit more secure not only within europe, but definitely also in your regions. you are facing the climate crisis right now. you other countries and regions which have to resettle your capitals because of the climate crisis. that is why we have to work all together to fight this. but again, it is such a big potential. if we are doing energy relation cooperations around the welcome especially with countries with more space than germany, we can have solar energy from different regions in the world can we can have green hydrogen, working on when we were in liverpool and g7. we have to look to reinvest the money strategic wise but also under the umbrella of the 1.5 degrees, and that is why the g7
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presidency has a strong nexus with the g20 presidency to bringing together the climate crisis, chances of renewable energy, and making the world more secure place. [applause] christoph: thank you very much. our time is up, but we have the mayor of kiev here. i would ask you to please have one more minute of patients for him to ask a short question and then short answers, and then we have to wrap up. >> good afternoon. dear friends, mayor of kiev. i want to say thank you very much for all friends who support ukraine in this difficult situation. without your support we can't survive. it is very important right now that we understand that germany,
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united states, all friends support, what we need right now defensive weapons. thank you for germany joining us the last couple of years to review the infrastructure and make reform in that way. but right now this critical situation, we state one of the strongest armies in the world, -- phase one of the strongest armies in the welcome and any aggressor who things to attack ukraine has to understand, they have to pay painful price. we are ready to fight. we are ready to defend our families, our state, our cities, our citizens. we need support. thank you for 5000 pounds, but
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they are not enough. we can't defend our country just with that. and also, very important point from back to 1996, budapest agreement, ukraine in 1996 worked out countries in the world with largest nuclear weapons. we give our nuclear weapons with a guarantee, united states, french, great britain, and russia make a guarantee of our independency and territorial integrity. it's not so much time in the past. right now what about the budapest agreement? everybody forget about it. thank you.
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>> thank you very much. [applause] you have already responded to the question of delivery of weapons. maybe 20 would like to say a few words. maybe tony would like to say a few words. sec. blinken: mr. mayor, good to see you, and i appreciate not only the substance of your words, but also the emotion behind it. and here's what i can tell you just speaking on behalf of the united states. when it comes to security assistance, as you know, in the last year alone we have provided about $650 million in defensive legal assistance, more -- defensive lethal assistance, more in the past year than any previous year. we continue to provide that assistance. i have authorized some of our partner countries who have american-made equipment to transfer that to ukraine, baltic countries.
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and we are continuing to do everything that we can with other partners to help you provide for your defense. at the same time, i'm convinced that the work we are doing together to bring the countries not just in europe, but beyond europe, together and making clear to russia that if it commits of the nude aggression against ukraine, there will be-- commits renewed aggression against ukraine, there will be, and i quote, massive consequences -- this is what the european union countries said together, nato -- the power of that deterrent and our solidarity, i remain hopeful will have an impact. but the other thing that i think is so important, and it is why more and more countries beyond europe and beyond the united states are focused on is now, and i said this at the security council yesterday, is i think there is a growing recognition that what is happening in
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ukraine matters first and foremost to ukrainians, but better to everyone in the world--but should matter to everyone in the world, because what is at stake, first, yes, the lives and well-being of ukrainians, but what is at stake are larger principles that are the foundation of the entire international order, an order established after two world wars and a cold war, with some basic principles that are necessary to maintain peace and security. and those principles are being challenged right now by russia in ukraine, principles like you can't change the borders of another country by force, principles like you can't dictate to another country its choices, its decisions its policies,, including with whom they associate, principles like you cannot have a sphere of influence to subjugate neighbors to your will. in different ways, complement every ways, but i believe powerful ways, countries are
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standing up for ukraine and the principles that are at stake. so we will continue to do everything we can for you, with you, and with our partners. [applause] foreign min. baerbock: from my side, thank you for not only the question, but showing again how dire the situation is, because if you are thinking about every citizen in your country, being that they are in kiev, be it a foreign minister in germany in this situation, we have been in contact very closelypersonally r government. for us it is not an easy decision but if we are looking, if we are endangering by taking these steps that normandy would not work anymore, this would be a big security threat for every
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citizen in ukraine because especially the situation around the context line in separatist areas for every citizen there knows better than i do that it is very crucial we are coming back at the table to talk about minsk. but we are looking at every rep last because -- request because we are standing side-by-side with you and your citizens. when you asked for helmets we looked for how many helmets we can -- could deliver. i am sorry it was lonely -- only 5000. i think it is good we have a frank and open exchange about these kinds of things. again, this is also what your government is setting in those days. we have to ensure destabilization does not come from inside, from investments not coming in anymore, from
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currency going down. that is why i believe financial support is as important as a support with regard to security. thank you -->> thank you very much. we could have gone on. we have seen with the question of the advance that are -- the ambassador from asia how other questions have to be discussed. i have three takeaways. number one, german-american relations are at their best and it is wonderful to see this good relationship. number two [applause] the two of you were instrumental to forge the strong unity that goes beyond the eu and nato that goes together with all of the countries in that respect international order. my take away is that this is also the way we work on other
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challenges. this comes to the third one. i think we close to the secretary-general at the beginning. we can only succeed if we work together to all -- also cope with the most pressing issues, as you said, that is, climate change and others. we plead to russia to allow us to come back to the political solution so we can concentrate on those issues that really matter, that our people are most concerned about. thank you for coming here. it is wonderful to have you. that is my first panel. thank you. [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2022] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] ♪ >> president biden's pick for supreme court justice from nomination announcement to the nomination process on c-span, c-span.org, or by downloading the c-span now app.
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>> president biden gave an update on the situation between russia and ukraine. this is just under 10 minutes. pres. biden: good afternoon. today i made two vital calls, as i have been making for some months now. two vital calls on the situation in russia and ukraine. first was to a bipartisan group of members in congress currently representing the united states along with vice president harris at the munich security conference. the second was the latest in a series of calls over the past many months with our nato allies

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