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tv   Hardball With Chris Matthews  MSNBC  March 14, 2016 4:00pm-5:01pm PDT

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thank you to a great group here. stay safe on the trail. stay with us here at msnbc. the place for politics. you don't want to go anywhere. we'll see you later. have a good night. [ cheers and applause ] hillary clinton, she leads in delegates. >> i am not a one-issue candidate, because this is not a one-issue country! >> and tomorrow, she's looking to win big in five key states. >> you don't make america great by getting rid of everything that made america great. >> but as bernie sanders proved last week, anything can happen. >> we want michigan. >> tonight, hillary clinton makes her case to the voters of illinois. >> i am a progressive who gets things done for people. >> wanting to extend her lead. >> let's go win the nomination!
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>> this is an msnbc special town hall with hillary clinton, from the old capital site in springfield, illinois. here is chris matthews. [ cheers and applause ] >> welcome to this special town hall. for the next hour, hillary clinton. [ cheers and applause ] >> hello! nice to see you. hi, mr. matthews. >> well, thank you, madam secretary. as you know, as an illinoisan, that this is that room where
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abraham lincoln -- there's washington -- abraham lincoln gave his house divided speech. >> that's right. >> that was in 1858. how are we doing on that subject today? >> well, we could use that speech again. from, you know, a lot of leaders as well as citizens. because there's a disturbing amount of divisive rhetoric in this campaign that is playing on people's fears, and really engendering a lot of mean-spiritedness, bigotry, that i think is, you know, not only bad for our politics, it's bad for our nation, and we need to stand up against it. we've had periods in our history, as you know so well, being such a history buff, chris, where people have strong feelings. i totally accept that. and there's even reason for some people to be frustrated, angry, fearful. but that's when leaders are supposed to be trying to find
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common ground, bringing people together, not flaming the discontent, and setting up us versus them. i fear that's what we're seeing in this campaign this time. >> you called donald trump a political arsonist. >> yes. >> do you believe he's responsible for igniting all this fist -- people throwing punches at each other? not just waving at each other, they're fighting out there. >> i think if you go back several months, he's been building this incitement. he has been leading crowds in jeering protesters. he has been talking about punching people in the face. he's been encouraging the manhandling of both, you know, people who are attending, as well as journalists on the floor and in the stands of his events. so i think what happened on friday in chicago is tragically
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a natural outgrowth of that kind of incitement. and, you know, look, all of us in public life, and you've covered all kinds of people running for office, in office, we all get protested against. somebody's always upset about something. the other day i had a man that was convinced cell towers are causing cancer in your sal i variousy glounds. he's yelling and screaming. we all have to deal with that. you try to deal with it calmly and peacefully, and don't tell people, hey, do something to him, take him out, beat him up. and, you know, that's what leadership requires. you're supposed to be calming people down to try to find solutions to problems. >> would you encourage a young person, or a person of any age to go out if they believed trump was saying terrible things, to go out and protest him, challenge him publicly? would you encourage them to do that? >> what i would encourage them
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to do is protest peacefully, protest in the most effective way, which is to get people to come out and vote against him, that's how we -- >> how about this disrupteding? >> i think disrupting, you have to be careful that it's done in a way that is peaceful, that is respect tl slg insofar as that is possible. someone inside an event that they know is going to be unfortunately filled with folks who are going to be against them. you know, they should be careful about that. i think, you know, walking with signs, engaging in peaceful protests outside of venues probably makes more sense. but the best thing is organize against anyone who incites violence and vote them down. >> let's look at two american politicians on this little screen here now. and how they -- in very different ways -- address political and racial tenseness. >> right.
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>> what we need in the united states is not division, what we need in the united states is not hatred, what we need in the united states is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom and compassion toward one another. and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country. >> you see somebody getting ready to throw a tomato, knock the crap out of them, will you? seriously. okay? just knock the hell -- i promise you, i will pay for the legal fees, i promise. you know what they used to do to guys like that when they were in a place like this? they would be carried out on a stretcher, folks. i would like to punch him in the face, i'll tell you. >> bobby kennedy, talking to people in a tough neighborhood in indianapolis the night that dr. king was killed. he told them, a white guy had to come and tell them. and trump. compare and contrast. >> well, you couldn't have a
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starker contrast between a leader, a statesman, a visionary, someone who, you know, was willing to take on the sorrow and the burden of the assassination of dr. king, to talk to people who were distraught, and just absolutely heart broken over what had happened. and you have someone like trump, a demagogue, a showman, an inciter, who is actually fanning the flames instead of trying to, as we saw in that clip from bobby kennedy, trying to bring down the passion so that people could work together to find common ground. that's what we need today in america. >> we started this number by saying president obama wasn't born in this country, an illegal immigrant that snuck in in a weird way from kenya, honolulu, and faking the birth records and
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what have you. do you think that's why the african-americans as a group have really turned on him? there's something i haven't been quite able to figure out. denying the first african-american president to be legitimate, seems to be grounds for hostility. >> i think it's that, plus other feelings. i think certainly the fact that trump led the campaign to try to de-legitimize president obama from the very beginning. he used this phony issue about where he was born. there was definite proof we knew where he was born. it didn't matter. trump kept beating that drum and kept trying to, again, incite people to be hostile toward the president. who happened to be the first african-american president. that sent a lot of signals. not just to african-americans, but to all americans. wait a minute, what's going on here. but i think it's more than that. you know, when you are inciting
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mob violence, which is what trump is doing in those clips, there are a lot of memories that people have. they're in the dna. people remember mob violence that led to lynching. people remember mob violence that led to people being shot, being, you know, grand, being mistreated. and it's something that has a deep, almost psychological resonance to people who have ever been in any position of feeling somewhat fearful, somewhat worried. we've come so far in our country, that to be here in this state capital, in this room, where abraham lincoln gave that speech about a house divided, and to see that someone who is vying to be president of the united states is using divisiveness, is stoking fear, is pointing fingers, scapegoating against all kinds of people, i think is so dangerous. and yes, it's wrong, it's offensive, it's also dangerous.
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>> when you were a young girl in illinois, somebody was bullying you in the new neighborhood you moved into. >> that's true. >> your mother said to go out and deal with this personally, and you decked him. you'll have to deal with that similar situation if you win the nomination. you've got trump calling you a criminal. >> yes. >> he's turning his fire on you. >> that's where i was born. >> i don't know. maybe not. >> chicago. [ applause ] >> you have the certificate ready. >> i have my birth certificate ready. you know, triplicate. >> you might get carded. >> that would be nice. >> you went to wellsly. >> i did. >> what would have happened if you had gone to trump university? >> i would have been out a lot of money from what i hear. and nothing to show for it. >> you said something rather odd
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the other day. you said you're not a natural politician, like your husband. what is the difference between you and him? forget obama, president obama. bill clinton, i've seen him on a million occasions, he won't leave. the occasion's over and you see him working the room. he doesn't wanted it to end. >> yeah. >> what is that dna? you talk dna. what is in a being that makes them never want to leave the crowd? >> you know, for bill, and obviously i've now known him much more than half my life, he is, you know, someone who is so curious, almost in a way that i don't know anybody else, he is constantly, you know, seeking out people, waiting to hear their stories, trying to make connections between, you know, something he's heard in one place and something he might hear in another place. he used to come off of rope lines at the end of big events,
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running for governor, running for president obviously, and he said, i learned so much. and he would tell me stories. sometimes it would just be a 30 or 60-second interchange. but he could really derive from that something about the person in front of him. and i learned an enormous amount, in those 18 years, the wonderful years that we spent in arkansas, going to all kinds of events, tiny events to big events, listening to people, learning what was on their minds. when i moved to fayetteville, arkansas, to teach at the law school, it was really because i was trying to figure out -- >> how do you say that again? >> fayetteville. i was trying to figure out if we were going to get married or not. so i moved there. teaching at the university of arkansas law school. and i noticed that one of my students hasn't shown up for a couple of days, a couple of classes. so i call information. we used to have information in those days. i called information. and i said, i'm looking for john
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smith. the operator says to me, you know, he's not home. i said, what do you mean? he's not home. he went camping. it was just such an incredible experience, where people's stories, their lives were so intertwined. and i think bill is someone who was brought up hearing stories from his family, and just lived in, you know, that great story-telling tradition. so i am in great admiration of that. i am somebody who believes strongly in public service, in doing all the good i can for all the people i can. for as long as i can. >> how about this part? >> i enjoy it. but i'm not deluding myself. i'm not speaking in poetry. i'm not bringing people to fever pitches of, you know, incredible admiration. but every time i've had a job, i do it well. and i do it in my own way.
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and i produce results for people. when i ran for the senate, you know that, you covered that, i ran for the senate. people are, oh, my gosh, she can't win. i won. >> you were going to take on rudy giuliani. >> that's why i was recruited, because people didn't think anybody else could beat him. six years later i won by an even bigger margin, because i did the job. i'm somebody who believes, okay, you have a job to do, you want to help people, you want to produce results. maybe that is more governing no prose than campaigning in poetry. but that's what i want to do as president. >> it will get tougher. when we come back, let's talk about the race for the democratic nomination. you and senator sanders. this is a special "hardball" town hall with hillary clinton, of course, from the old state capital in illinois in springfield. and can you explain why you recommend synthetic over cedar?
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welcome back to the old state capital in springfield, illinois. thank you, madam secretary. i am amazed, maybe i shouldn't say i'm amazed, but senator sanders have pulled off some gig victories. he's won in iowa -- >> no, i won in iowa. [ applause ] >> that's right, you did. ? i hope that stays in the show. >> why did i think -- let's talk about -- >> it was very close. very close. >> you're getting me in a mood here. let's go to michigan. >> that's dangerous. >> michigan, all those numbers looked really good for you.
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i'm thinking tomorrow's numbers good for you here, and missouri looks good and florida. do you trust the polls anymore? >> honestly, i don't, chris. in large measure, because i think pollsters are trying to do the best job they can. but it's very difficult to poll them if you have the only online information. that's proven to be often unreliable. if you troy to call land lines, you miss everybody with cell phones, if you call people with cell phones you miss people often because they don't answer. no, i think it's very difficult now to predict the outcome of elections. somehow we're going to have to get better at it. people do rely on that information. >> let's talk about young people and their -- even as old as their early 30s. people don't have phones, they don't have land lines. look at the numbers in michigan. here it was, 80% under 30 voted for senator senators. i hate doing things by race, but we doment what do you think happened there?
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>> let me put it in context. that night i actual l i won 100,000 more votes than senator sanders, because of my huge victory in mississippi, where i did win both white and black voters. on super tuesday, other than vermont, i won a majority of white voters as well as black voters. so i think that you can focus on one state and kind of miss the big picture. because where we stand today, before the primaries tomorrow, i've gotten far more votes than anybody else running on either side. i've gotten 5 million votes, 600,000 more than trump, 1.6 million more than bernie sanders. so i feel really good about where i am in this campaign. and of course, the number of delegates that i have won is also considerably higher than senator sanders. so i have a broad inclusive coalition which i think puts me in a very good position to be able to get the nomination and to go against trump or whoever they nominate. >> let's talk about the tough
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part. ohio is one, missouri is historically against trade, here we are in illinois. michigan's tough. of course, you've seen that. how do you deal with that? bernie sanders is known as an anti-trade guy, opposed to all the trade deals. you've been for most of them. you with are for tpp initially. how do you tell the working people trade is the enemy? >> i understand that. we've had a number of years experience now about what trade can and can't do in our globalized economy. so last night in ohio, i said, look, i want to set the record straight. yes, i did vote against the biggest multinational trade agreement when i was in the senate, it was called cafta. i voted against it. i've learned some things since the 1990s and i put that to work. i also said i hoped i would be able to support tpp. but i actually waited until i knew what was in it, and then i stated my opposition to it.
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>> you said it was exciting, innovative, cutting edge, high quality and high standard. >> before was finished of the i hoped with ecould deal with currency manipulation and a lot of the problems that our country and woshing people had faced. it turned out when it was all said and done, it didn't meet my standards. that's why i just voted against cafta, i said i'm against tpp. here's what's happening, chris. about of coming here, i was in chicago and i was meeting with a group of workers who were most likely going to lose their jobs at a big nabisco factory on the south side of chicago. 600 really good jobs. and i met with some of the workers. and what this company is doing is taking those jobs, sending them out of the country, and turning around and basically saying to the work force, too bad, we're done, we're not going to be there for you. when that company and its predecessors had said millions
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and millions of dollars in taxpayer benefits. so we've got to figure out how to get some leverage against some of these companies. if you took any money from the local state or federal government to put in a plan, to upgrade the plant, to do anything to the plant, you have to pay it back. that's how i think we've got to get leverage on these companies. so when they do the cost benefit on the cost side is, hey, we're going to owe back the money that we took telling the people of this state or city we were going to be there when, hey, we're not, we're moving out. >> how come when we were taught in school trade is good. all economists thought it was. and you all trade and everybody wins. what went wrong with that theory? >> i think what went wrong is you have countries now that are not shy about putting a heavy thumb on the scale. they are supporting their own
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industries, in china, for example. there's no free market. that's just an illusion. it's not a market economy. you have state-owned enterprises. you have the fogovernment being used -- when i was in new york, i was always in some kind of controversy with the chinese government because they were coming and threatening new york companies. and i would go to bat for the new york companies. you have in europe, in a more refined, gentile way, you have an asia a more rough-and-tumble way, a set of trade conditions where we end up having the only, in my view, really free trade economy. and we've been able to manage that until relatively recently. now, because of competition with increases in technology, automation and the like, we've got to really fight for our jobs. and fighting for our jobs means, yes, improving our skills, yes, incentivizing advanced manufacturing in clean and renewable energy, but it also
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means sending a very clear message, you're not going to mess with us. we are going to do what's necessary to make sure you're not dumping steel, stealing our intellectual property, and not walking out on communities where we've given you money, in effect, to stay. so i'm taking a very tough line on this. i think we need to. i'm not sure we would have a decade, 20 years ago, because the situation was different. >> are you the same as bernie sanders now on trade? >> no. because you know whats i know you have to trade with the rest of the world. we have less than 5% of the rest of the world's population. we have to trade with the other 95%. >> you don't think he agrees with that? >> i don't know, had e's against things before thisser's even finished. he was against t pks p before it was completed. had eis reflexively against anything that has any international implication. my vow is, let's get tough and smart and effective. but we can't shut the door to the rest of the world.
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we've got to trade with the rest of the world. i want us exporting more. i want more good jobs with rising incomes in america, and i think that's the way to do it. >> speaking of being tough, are you a hawk? >> no, i am a smart power advocate. >> okay. [ applause ] >> smart. were you smart about iraq endorsing the president's position on iraq? did you believe ever that stam when you had to cast that vote to authorize war in iraq, did you ever believe that saddam hussein had nuclear weapons? >> i did. >> who told you? >> i know at the end of the clinton administration there was a very strong sense that he was reconstituting his nuclear weapons program. and i like to remind people that at the end of the '90s, there was a sense of the congress passed that my opponent bernie
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sanders voted for, basically talking about regime change in iraq, because of the threat of potentially nuclear, biological -- well, bernie sanders voted for it. chris, i'm just telling you -- >> my -- >> that was the prevailing opinion. look, i've said it was a mistake -- >> i want to know about the facts. if you were told by somebody that he had new cheer weapons, they weren't telling the truth. mike morell, the chief c.i.a. briefer on the subject told me on my show that they never told anybody. he said we had no evidence they had nuclear weapons. if it waste the cn't the cia, w you they had the nuclear weapons? >> hans blix and his team of inspectors were trying to get to the bottom of this. here's what's misleading. saddam hussein could have ended it immediately. he could have said come anywhere, look anywhere, we have nothing.
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but he didn't choose to do that. and so the inspectors were racing to get to all the sites that they were worried. because remember, at the end of the first gulf war, we did find evidence of a nuclear weapons program. then we had a number of years where we were flying a no-fly zone over iraq, and where we saw him diverting a lot of money into not just building palaces, but building, we thought, programs. >> in the fall of 2002 dick cheney said saddam hussein had nuclear weapons. even though the cia never told him that. the question is, is donald trump right when he said they lied? >> well, you know, i -- what mike hayden and others have said, it was intelligence failure. i don't know -- >> but they never said they had nuclear weapons. how could it be a failure? >> well, they led people -- >> well, not with evidence. not with evidence. you didn't have evidence that they had nuclear weapons, did
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you? >> let me speak for myself -- >> you had no evidence that they had nuclear weapons the because the program had not been completed. >> i believed george w. bush when he said we're going to let the inspectors finish the job. this vote will give me the leverage, he claimed, to make sure that happens. read hans blix's book. >> what about w.? >> well, i thought that using diplomacy, which is what it seemed to me he was offering, made a lot of sense. >> did he seem the diplomatic type, w.? >> he seemed to be someone who in my opinion at least rhetorically, that speech he gave in cincinnati was aimed at saying we're going to let the inspectors finish. he didn't let the inspectors finish. and that's where i made a mistake. because if he had let the inspectors finish, what blix and others argue, is they would have been able to prove to the world.
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if there had been any doubt whether manufactured or believed, it would have been ended. and that's why i've said repeatedly, it was a mistake for me to -- >> why was bernie sanders right and you were wrong? what do you think was in him that allowed him to see what you couldn't see? >> i don't know. because he voted, as i said, for the regime change resolution. >> it's rhetorical -- >> it was only a few years earlier. look, that was a mistake. and i've said it was a mistake. and i have good friends, like vice president biden who were with me, and i had good friends who were on the other side. and i think part of what certainly influenced me is after 9/11, you know, i went to new york with chuck schumer the next day, my fellow senator. we were the only plane in the sky. and we flew over ground zero and we saw the devastation. and we were briefed fully on all of the threats that were still out there.
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we get back to washington, i go and see then senator bird, get him to commit to helping new york. because the first request out of the white house was for $20 billion for the pentagon, for homeland security, not a penny for new york. so i went and said, look, we have to get money for new york. when i went to the white house, there were about four of us senators, the two from virginia, the two of us from new york, and i knew that the republicans in the white house, and in the senate, didn't want to rebuild new york. or at least they weren't willing to put money into it. so i'm sitting there in the oval office, and bush says to me, what do you need? i said, i need $20 billion to rebuild, you know, new york. he said, you've got it. and he was good to his word. so my experience with him, on something of great import to our country, was positive. because literally, that same day, i get back to the capital, the republicans are trying to take that money away. we kept calling the white house, bush kept saying, i gave them my word, i'm going to stick with
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it. so i had a different set of experiences. >> we have over 100,000 people dead in iraq in a war that we started, we invaded. we were the war. then you went into libya, and you supported a regime change -- >> that's very different. >> why do you keep wanting to do this es things in regime change? what's in your thinking that says the united states government has some right and duty to go to middle eastern countries and knock off their leadership? >> well, you know -- >> i think you were more aggressive in knocking off bashar al assad, too. >> let me tell you what i believe. and then people can make their own judgment. i've said iraq ws was a mistake. i said what i thought the strategy was, which was to let the inspectors finish, and be able to put pressure of a different kind on saddam hussein, wasn't allowed to go forward. that we know. libya was very different. you know, i think it's conflating the two does a
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disservice -- >> the principle regime change, what do you make of it? constantly trying to knock off their leaders. >> that is an overstate that doesn't really -- >> don't you want to knock off bashar al assad is this. >> i think given the bloodshed he has spilled, that would be a good outcome, but americans aren't going to do it. it's not us doing it. in libya, you had a dictator who had american blood on his hands. remember, reagan tried to knock him off, as you recall, because you were working in the congress, missed, but he tried. when he said that he was going to track down his people and murder them, the europeans and the arabs came to us and said, you've got to help us. because what they feared is what we see in syria. what they feared was an out-of-control civil war on their shores. right across the mediterranean. right next to egypt. right next to the rest of the middle east. remember, we had those countries helping us in afghanistan, in our very big coalition.
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now, when somebody that has helped you, their people have died, they have ebs spended their treasure to help us, come and say, this is personal to us, we in europe, we in the middle east, is the united states supposed to say, you know what, that's not our problem? they can say to us, afghanistan wasn't our problem either. but that's not the way you work with allies and build coalitions. what did we do there? we provided our unique abilities, and they ran most of the air missions, they were really very much involved in helping to, you know, cordon off libya, and eventually defeating gadhafi and his forces. now, is libya perfect? it isn't. but did they have two elections that were free and fair where they voted for moderates? yes, they did. changing from a dictator that has hollowed out your country to something resembling a functioning state, and even hopefully more of a democratic
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one, doesn't have overnight. and we've got to continue to support the libyan people to give them a chance. because otherwise, you see what's happened in syria, with the consequences of millions of people flooding out of syriament with more than 250,000 people killed. with terrorist groups like isis taking up almost -- a huge swath of territory, as big as some of the states in that area. yes, libya was a different kind of calculation. and we didn't lose a single person. we didn't have a problem in supporting our european and arab allies in working with nato. and now we've got to support the -- >> what do you think of the whole history of the united states in the lifetime of knocking off leaders, whether it's in iran, or it was in guatemala or knocking off patrice in the congo, or trujillo? who else have i missed? that's why i'm skeptical.
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what is your feeling of all those assassinations, to change the history of other countries? should we be doing that kind of thing? knocking off leaders? >> in the vast majority of cases, the answer is no. but there's always the historical games you can play, if somebody could have assassinated hitler before he took-germany, would that have been a good thing or not? you cannot paint with a broad brush. most of the ones you named i think are the ones in retrospect did not have a very defensible kind of calculation behind them. but i think it's a mistake to say, you can't ever, you know, prevent war. you can't ever save people. you know, if there had been a way to go after the leaders of the, you know, the massacres in rwanda, to stop that before 800,000 people were killed, what would we have done? we do, as you know very well,
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target terrorists, with etarget them because we believe that they are plotting and planning against us, our friends and our allies. they may not be a head of state, but they are very well the head of a terrorist group. these are tough, hard choices. i wrote a whole book called "hard choicesment". >> getting ready for the role of commander in chief already. more with our town hall with hillary clinton. this is "hardball," the place for politics. pet moments are beautiful, unless you have allergies. then your eyes may see it differently.
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we're back at the old state capital of illinois where lincoln once worked. many years he was here, 20 years as a legislator and as a lawyer. his ibs prags helps ul all day. go ahead. >> right now, a lot of college students are backing bernie sanders. so i want to know what specifically are you going to do for college students graduating with a large amount of debt? >> i'm really glad you asked that, summer. because i have a plan i call the new college compact, which not only will make college more affordable with debt-free tuition for students, but will also refinance the student debt that young people already have. i want to have refinance it, saving thousands of dollars for people who have graduated, but
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are weighted down by this debt. i want to move people into what are called income contingency repayment programs, so you pay back a percentage of your income. and i want to put a time certain to end your payments. so i think actually, my approach is more comprehensive, and will do more for people. it's affordable, it meets the needs that folks have. and i think it will lift the debt off of millions of americans. >> next? [ applause ] >> good evening. i'm jim langfelder, mayor of the city. >> yes, you are. [ cheers and applause ] >> thank you. on behalf of the citizens of springfield, i want to express our welcome and our thanks for coming to springfield, illinois, the how many of abraham lincoln, where usually people come together to solve the world's problems and our own problems. my dad, he grew up in vienna,
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austria. as a teenager, he had to flee there because of hitler taking over. and when they came to america, before they could enter they had to have a sponsor which helped protect the united states plus make sure the family is not a burden on the government. as president, what steps would you put in place to make sure that immigrants are screened properly so it does keep america safe, as well does not -- they don't become a burden on our government? >> well, mayor, first of all, thanks for the welcome. i'm happy to be back in springfield. i think the first time i came to springfield was in 5th grade, as i remember. a lot of laughter recognizing that's when we all came to learn about our history, learn about president lincoln. i think when we talk about people coming to the united states, they have to go through a process where they are vetted and screened. that often is quite extensive, and time-consuming, as it must
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be, to gather the information to make sure that no one, insofar as we can tell, is being permitted to come into our country that would do us harm, and would possibly be some kind of, you know, additional burden. the way that the system works now, for people coming, seeking asylum, who are refugees, they have to have a sponsor. it's usually a sponsoring organization, very often churches, and other faith groups are the sponsoring organization. but they have to pledge that they're going to look out for the individual and the family who are coming after being vetted and screened. so i agree that we've got to have a very thorough, effective process. on the screening end, and on the receiving end. so that there is an organization we can look to that is sponsoring people, such as what happened with your father.
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and i have said that that's what i support, and i will be sure that as president, i will do everything i can do make it work as effectively as possible. >> thank you. >> we're going to be right back with more of our town meeting with hillary clinton at the old state capital of illinois. you're watching "hardball," the place for politics. [engines rev] you can't have a hero, if you don't have a villain. the world needs villains [tires screeching] and villains need cars. ♪ they say you shouldn't spoil your kids. but your grandkids? how about front row seats to the best show in town? and that is why you invest.
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welcome back to the old state capital in springfield, illinois. let's talk about your opponent in tomorrow's primaries. i talked to howard dean, the former governor of vermont, former dnc chair. and i asked him about bernie sanders. he said bernie is the same as he was 40 years ago. same approach, same philosophy, democratic socialism, very much comfortable with that. you're more pro-team, back when you were a girl, you were a goldwater girl. which was a libertarian guy -- he was a very attractive candidate. i remember him. very libertarian. everyone who is young wants to be libertarian. you just want to be left alone. that was goldwater. you made the move like so many of us to eugene mccarthy, who is
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our hero, starting in the fall of '67. explain that route, how you -- i think most people are like that. they learn. >> well, i think we are supposed to learn the i think that's part of what experience should be teaching you. you know, i grew up in a family where my father was a rock-ribbed conservative republican, very much in the line of being self-sufficient, and responsible. although he believed in community. so good public schools, good park district, things that he supported. my mother was much more democratically oriented. we used to laugh that they canceled each other's vote out every election. and i grew up really talking about politics, particularly with my dad. and when i went off to college, i went believing i was a republican. and actually, i was the president of the young
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republicans for a couple of months. and then i decided -- i decided that i was much more in the, you know, the camp know, president n johnson, trying to promote civil rights. voting rights. ending poverty. things that i began to understand were really important to have a basic safety net and a basic, you know, understanding of -- >> i want to get into that. i remember my dad saying we need social security, because goldwater said -- my dad would say, what about the people that are unemployed, what about people who haven't been lucky in life. you don't want the government to support them. so better to have social security. >> absolutely. >> so but you had that understanding about the needs of people, even though you're a suburbanite? >> i give a lot of credit to my mother and my church. because -- >> methodist. >> yeah, i was raised a methodist. and we had a great youth minister who would say to all us all of the time, you kids are lucky, you have a lot of
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blessings, you need to open your eyes to the rest of the world. he took us to see and hear dr. martin luther king jr. preach in chicago. he set up exchanges so we went into the inner city and visited with kids, black kids and churches, hispanic kids in churches. i baby-sat for the children of migrant farm workers when i was just -- like 11 or 12 years old. so i was lucky, because my mother and my church kept pushing open my understanding of the fact that, you know, not everybody looked like me. not everybody was raised like me. not everybody had the opportunities that i had. and i'm really grateful for that. so by the time i got to college, i said, you know, i want to work out my own -- >> so you became a real liberal. >> i like to say progressive. >> well, why do people change the word if they like the word? what was wrong with liberal? >> nothing is wrong with it. progressive covers such a -- it goes over to socialist, moderate. >> no, it doesn't go as far as
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socialism. i'm sorry. >> for you it doesn't. >> no. >> you're not comfortable with that word. >> no, i'm not. i think, look, what i learned starting, you know, in my late teens and in my 20s is that in a complex diverse society like ours, you were going to have to have safety nets. you were going to have to create opportunities for people. you were going to have to try to end the legacies of oppression, of slavery, of, you know, all of the kinds of wrongs that we had visited upon people from the very beginning, that, you know, this -- this chamber, where abraham lincoln spoke, literally gave his life for. >> so you know how tough it is for those people who don't have health care yet. the unemployed, people like that. who don't qualify for medicaid, because they're not broke yet. >> that's right. they're working -- >> a lot of people lost to the cracks there. >> we have like 90% of coverage now. >> yeah, but -- >> that's 30 million people left out that we have to keep -- >> pretty horrible. >> it is horrible. and i know a lot of the stories of these people.
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because i have been working on this. you know, before there was something called obamacare, it was called hillary care. i've been trying to get health care for people for a very long time. >> town hall with hillary clinton it continues with more. how fast is it? plenty fast. it's how wellhow you mow fast., it's not how fast you mow, it's how well you mow fast. it's not how fast you mow, it's how well you mow fast.'s how well you mow fast!'s how well you mow fast. even if it doesn't catch on, doesn't mean it's not true. the john deere ztrak z535m with our reengineered deck to mow faster better. to find out more about the accel deep mower deck, go to whfight back fastts tums smoothies starts dissolving the instant it touches your tongue and neutralizes stomach acid at the source tum, tum, tum, tum smoothies! only from tums
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for your husband for eight years. my question is, in light of all of the issues that's been involved with the black community and police, what would you do to encourage dialogue between african-american community and the police to improve their relationships? >> well, i think that's the beginning that we have to do, is to recreate a dialogue. and to have people in law enforcement, both currently serving and retired with a lot of experience. really going into communities and listening. you know, we've got to rebuild respect between the police and the people they are sworn to protect. and there are a lot of excellent police officers and departments who could lead this dialogue. and where we need retraining, where we need to have body cameras, which i think would help protect police as much as protect people on the street, we need to be moving to try to rebuild that confidence and trust. so i'm going to look for ways if
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i'm so fortunate enough to be president to build on the recommendations from president obama's policing commission and try to implement those and go further. but i want it to be led by people in law enforcement who i deeply respect, but we've got to have accountability so that the public respects the police, as well. >> last question, madam secretary. here it is. >> madam secretary, my son attends school here at district 186 in springfield. and frequently when he's running across the playground to line up at school, i can't help but think about the children killed at sandy hook, lee, assassinated and all the children who won't be at school tomorrow. and i want to know when you're president what you're going to do to reduce gun violence and what we can do to help you. >> you know, this is an issue that i am so profoundly disturbed about. because i have met too many families who have lost loved ones, particularly children. you mentioned sandy hook. and the parents there. i mean, for any parent, the
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image of, you know, adjusting the backpack on your little six, 7-year-old daughter or son and sending the child off to school, and then only to be called some hours later to say that that child that you are so deeply committed to and love so much has been murdered is just more than i can imagine. you know, today in chicago, i visited a wall of bricks with the names of young people who have been murdered in chicago in the last several years. i've gotten to know the mothers of a number of those children. and we have to take on the gun lobby. and i know it's not easy. i'm well aware of that. but when you have an average of 90 people a day dying from gun violence, 33,000 a year, we need comprehensive background checks. we need to end the immunity from liability. the sandy hook parents are suing the maker of the ar-15, trying to do is something, you know, that channels their grief into
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action to prevent other children and people from being murdered. and i know that 92% of americans agree with me. and 85% of gun owners do. but we've got to make this a voting issue. you know, the gun lobby really intimidates elected officials. and they just basically vote the way they're told. you know, my opponent talks about powerful lob ease in washington and there are a number of them. nothing is more powerful than the gun lobby. and until we're ready to take them on and hold them accountable, we will not be in a position to try to begin to reduce the deaths from the epidemic of gun violence. so i'm going to need the help of every single one. >> thank you, secretary clinton. thank you for coming here. and thank you to the old state capitol here in springfield for hosting all of this tonight. "all in" with chris hayes starts right now. tonight on "all in." >> we're going to take our country back from these people. >> a dark campaign gets


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